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Politics : The Donkey's Inn -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Mephisto who wrote (2764)2/11/2002 9:47:39 PM
From: zonkie  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 15516
 
I'm glad you brought up the subject of Bush's overly secret administration. Here is part 1 of a 4 part article which deals with the same subject. I've been meaning to post this for several days.

______________

FEATURE STORY | February 25, 2002

What Are They Hiding?
by Russ Baker

o one ever accused conservative House Republican Dan Burton of mincing his words. This is, after all, the man who once famously called President Clinton a "scumbag." But it's one thing to throw rhetorical bombs at a President from the opposition party, and quite another to denounce your own party's man as "dictatorial," as Burton did to President Bush in December.

What outrages Burton is the Bush Administration's overarching obsession with secrecy, with keeping information on a broad range of fronts out of the public view. That Burton has latched on to a key element of Bush's MO has grown clearer with the unfolding of the Enron scandal. As more and more connections between members of the Bush Administration and Enron come to light, the press and the public may be forgiven for wondering, "What else are they hiding?"

The answer is "a lot"--the Bush team has already established a record on secrecy that makes Richard Nixon, just to take a random example from our presidential past, look like a boy scout.

Presidential Records Act

or starters, Bush is blocking the scheduled release of documents under the Presidential Records Act of 1978, which mandates that all but the most highly sensitive documents are to be made public twelve years after a President leaves office. Under the PRA, Ronald Reagan's papers were supposed to be released last year.

On January 20, 2001, the first batch (68,000 pages) of Reagan's papers, mostly notes from meetings with advisers and internal White House memos, came up for routine release. It should have come off without a hitch--after all, presidential libraries have for years been releasing documents informally. But the new Bush Administration, fresh from its own Florida election controversy, took advantage of a PRA clause allowing a thirty-day presidential consultation, and thus began what turned into a grand stall. By last August, half a year had passed and still nothing had been released.

This raised suspicions. Since the law already exempted the most sensitive documents from disclosure, why did the Bush Administration have to review the rest for what it said were national security purposes? "It's pretty fishy," says Anna Nelson, an American University history professor who works with a number of scholarly and historical organizations on presidential papers access. "The precautions on 'national security' are extreme. These are not Iran/contra papers."

Nelson surmises that many officials in the current Administration (including Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld) were authors of the twelve-year-old memos that are now being blocked: "They probably don't remember what they said, and they are feeling iffy about it." Meanwhile, George W. Bush is now deciding which papers of his father's, former President George H.W. Bush, will be released, beginning on January 20, 2005.

After September 11 the Administration had virtual carte blanche to stall any and all document releases, and it did so boldly [see Bruce Shapiro, "Information Lockdown," November 12, 2001]. In November Bush issued an executive order that declared that not only could a former President assert executive privilege over his papers against the will of the incumbent President (a measure Reagan instituted just before he left office) but that a sitting President could also block the papers of a predecessor, even if that predecessor had approved their release.

The implications of this change are breathtaking. "The bottom line is that secrecy prevails in every situation when at least one party wants it," says Mark Rozell, a political science professor at the Catholic University of America and a leading scholar on executive privilege.

thenation.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (2764)3/7/2002 1:08:14 AM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 15516
 
Bush asks for trouble by snubbing senators
Jules Witcover

Originally published Mar 6, 2002

WASHINGTON -- Shovelful by shovelful, the
Bush administration is digging itself a deeper
hole in its relations with Congress by playing
the executive privilege and secrecy cards.

The latest example is the refusal of the White
House to permit Tom Ridge, the director of homeland
security, to testify before the Senate Appropriations
Committee next month on the president's budget
request for $38 billion to make the country safer from
terrorist attacks.


The stated ground, as in the refusal to release
documents sought by Congress regarding the secret
meetings of Vice President Dick Cheney's energy task
force last year, is the need to preserve confidentiality
between the president and his chief administration
advisers.

Heads of departments and other Cabinet members
routinely testify before Congress on the business of
their agencies. But Mr. Ridge is not a Cabinet member,
although many critics think he should be. Without
stature on a par with Cabinet members, these critics
say, he has been frustrated getting cooperation from
them because each agency head protects his own turf.

Senate Appropriations Committee Chairman Robert C.
Byrd of West Virginia and the ranking Republican on
the committee, Sen. Ted Stevens of Alaska, wrote to Mr.
Ridge, saying, "You are the single executive branch
official with the responsibility to integrate the many
complex functions of the various federal agencies in one
formulation and the execution of homeland defense
programs. Your views and insights on the policies
necessary to meet these objectives are critical to the
committee and the nation."

In reply, Mr. Ridge's spokeswoman, Susan Neely,
replied that "Ridge's job is to make recommendations to
the president and the president has spoken."

But Mr. Byrd and Mr. Stevens are not likely to swallow
that. Notably, they already have support for getting Mr.
Ridge to appear from another prominent Republican,
Richard Shelby of Alabama, the ranking minority
member of the Senate Intelligence Committee. "He is
the homeland security czar," Mr. Shelby told The New
York Times. "I agree with Senators Byrd and Stevens
that he should appear."

If Mr. Ridge's job description as a presidential adviser
will be used to shelter him from congressional
interrogation on the job he's doing, it invites an outcry
from Capitol Hill. The focus of that outcry should be
that either he is given Cabinet stature subject to the
same scrutiny department secretaries have to face or
that he is told to testify.

Important members of Congress already are steaming
about a growing sense that Mr. Bush, accused of being
a unilateralist in foreign policy, would like to conduct
the war on terrorism without full consultation with
Congress, whose lawful function is to provide the money
required.

Putting Mr. Ridge under wraps is particularly ironic.
When he was appointed homeland security director
shortly after Sept. 11, the administration seemed to lose
no opportunity to trot him out front and center as the
point man and spokesman for the domestic aspects of
prosecuting the war.

But his performance in that function left something to
be desired, particularly in the uncertainty the
administration conveyed about possible further terrorist
attacks. He soon was pulled back from that role, leaving
him to focus on the central task of coordinating all
aspects of homeland defense in which various agencies
have a role.

Republican Rep. William Thornberry of Texas, who has
been urging a consolidation of federal functions on
border security into a new agency that would be headed
by Mr. Ridge, says he has no problem with Mr. Ridge
not testifying on grounds of his presidential advisory
role. But he says he remains concerned that the
homeland security director does not have the tools and
authority to achieve the necessary cooperation among
involved agencies.

The White House decision to snub the Senate
Appropriations Committee by denying it Mr. Ridge's
views is certainly not going to help the contentious
climate building toward the administration on
consultation about the war. Complaints from
congressional Democrats is one thing; with Republicans
joining in, the White House is asking for trouble.

Jules Witcover writes from The Sun's Washington
bureau.

Copyright © 2002, The Baltimore Sun

From the archive | E-mail address: jules.witcover@baltsun.com

sunspot.net