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Non-Tech : The Enron Scandal - Unmoderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: KLP who wrote (1659)2/17/2002 5:22:45 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 3602
 
Debating the Enron Effect

Business World Divided on Problem and Solutions
By Steven Pearlstein
The Washington Post Staff Writer
Sunday, February 17, 2002; Page A01

To Thomas J. Donohue, the pugnacious president of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, Enron is a rogue corporation, an unfortunate and dramatic exception to what is otherwise "the most transparent, honest and efficient capitalist system the world has ever known."

To Arthur Levitt, the former chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission, Enron grew out of a pervasive culture of "gamesmanship" in a corporate world that has become so focused on stock prices and quarterly earnings that it has lost its moral compass.

"The business community now looks at things in terms of what they can get away with, not what is right," Levitt said this week as he shuttled between Enron hearings on Capitol Hill.

Those starkly conflicting views now define the poles of a crucial debate that is just beginning to play itself out -- in Washington, which must decide the scope of regulatory reforms necessary to prevent future Enrons, and on Wall Street, where investors and lenders will decide how much more they will charge for investment capital to reflect the risk that other companies could have Enron-like problems.

To a business community that largely views Enron as a corporate rogue, the widespread concern is that the media and political frenzy will generate excessive regulation that, in the words of the Business Roundtable, would unnecessarily inhibit the ability of U.S. corporations "to compete, create jobs and generate economic growth."

But those who see Enron as emblematic of wider, systemic problems with American-style capitalism see the need for fundamental changes in how executives are compensated, how companies report their financial results, how financial analysts rate stocks, how boards of directors are chosen, how accounting standards are devised and what rules should govern the legal and accounting professions.

Business lobbyists acknowledge that over the past two weeks public opinion seems to have swung toward the fundamentalists. A Gallup poll last week found that about 3 in 4 Americans believe that the type of business practices found at Enron could also be found at some or most other large corporations. Another survey found that public confidence in big corporations had fallen to the low levels long endured by Congress and health-maintenance organizations.

Scrambling to stay ahead of the wave, the Securities and Exchange Commission announced Wednesday that it would push new rules requiring companies to disclose more detailed and timely information about their finances and their executives' stock trades. Also, on Friday, the SEC's enforcement chief said the agency would ask Congress for authority to ban corporate officers and directors who have committed wrongdoing from serving in such positions in the future.

Within hours of Wednesday's SEC announcement, the Financial Accounting Standards Board, the industry-funded rulemaking group criticized for taking as long as a decade to close accounting loopholes, vowed to tighten rules that have allowed thousands of corporations to inflate reported earnings while keeping debt and other liabilities off their balance sheets.

On that same day, the New York Stock Exchange commissioned a panel co-chaired by former White House chief of staff Leon Panetta to review issues such as the independence of corporate board members and how they are compensated by companies whose shares are traded on the world's largest exchange.

Meanwhile, key members of Congress are putting together Enron-inspired packages, including a proposal to eliminate tax breaks that encourage companies to lavish stock options on top executives. While the options were once thought to better link the interests of managers with the interests of shareholders, even some former supporters now believe that the option awards have grown so large that they have distorted business and ethical judgment, encouraging some executives to do anything to report strong earnings every quarter so the stock price will rise.

"If a million-dollar salary doesn't align managers' interests with shareholders' interests, then they're the wrong person for the job," said Sarah Teslik, executive director of the Council of Institutional Investors, who previously supported the tax breaks.

Among the professions that cluster around the corporate boardroom, the accounting industry is in full battle gear now that the expression "our auditors have reviewed it and approved it" is viewed by many as an indication that something must be amiss. The president of the American Bar Association, Robert Hirshon, said he was considering appointing a special committee to figure out a way for lawyers to sound the whistle on corporate misdeeds without violating their ethical responsibilities.

The corporate chief executives who make up the Business Roundtable, horrified by top Enron executives and directors saying they didn't know what was going on in their own company, announced last week that they would move quickly to revise voluntary standards for corporate governance.

"We're trying hard not to say that everything's great except Enron," said Franklin Raines, chief executive of Fannie Mae and chairman of the Business Roundtable's task force on corporate governance. "We're also saying that everything isn't rotten, either."

Stocks and bonds of companies with accounting practices that are questioned by investors -- last week's list included International Business Machines Corp., chipmaker Nvdia, Marriott International Corp. and Krispy Kreme Doughnuts Inc. -- have come under pressure. Insurance companies that write policies protecting corporate directors and officers from liability suits are reportedly increasing premiums by 50 percent or more. Audit fees are also increasing, not only to cover higher insurance costs but also the extra training and manpower that have been demanded by corporate audit committees.

"Right now I'd say there is deep panic in the corporate world," said Pete Peterson, a former secretary of commerce and chairman of the Blackstone Group, an investment bank now working on financial restructuring of several bankrupt companies accused of accounting deception, including Enron.

Writing last week in the New York Review of Books, Felix Rohatyn, the former Wall Street investment banker who served as ambassador to France, warned that Enron was giving aid to foreign critics of American-style capitalism who had always complained of its speculative excesses, outlandish executive compensation and slavish subservience to financial markets.

"Unless we take the regulatory and legislative steps required to prevent a recurrence of these events, American market capitalism will run increasing risks and be seen as defective here and abroad," Rohatyn wrote.

Award-Winning Tricks

On the baseline question -- rotten apple or rotting barrel -- expert opinions span the spectrum.

"Enron is indicative of nothing," said Alan "Ace" Greenberg, chairman of the executive committee at Bear, Stearns & Co., a Wall Street investment firm. "There's always people who do something they shouldn't and you'll never be able to legislate against it. This stuff happens."

Critics of the system argue that it is highly improbable that one company, Enron, happened to attract so many bad or incompetent executives, auditors, directors, lawyers, investment bankers and Wall Street analysts. They suspect that the reason nobody blew the whistle all those years was that what was going on at Enron was only a step or two beyond what was going on elsewhere in the corporate world.

"It may be comforting to say that Enron was an isolated situation, but not very convincing," said Patrick McGurn, vice president of Institutional Shareholder Services, an advisory firm to pension and mutual funds. "The Enron board looks like lots of other boards. The opaque and misleading financial statements look like lots of other financial statements. Off-balance sheet financing -- well, that's now commonplace, too. It's hard to just dismiss this as one bad apple."

Consider, for example, that Andrew S. Fastow, now widely credited as the genius behind Enron's off-balance-sheet partnerships, won the 1999 Excellence Award for Capital Structure Management awarded annually by CFO Magazine. The trade journal in particular cited Fastow's "groundbreaking" techniques, which allowed Enron to raise billions of dollars of new capital without increasing the debt on the company balance sheet or diluting its earnings per share -- the financial equivalent of a free lunch.

One of the techniques Fastow pioneered was so successful that Credit Suisse First Boston, which helped designed them, tried to sell them to other major energy firms, including Williams Cos. and El Paso Corp., which also used them. Only now, under pressure from rating agencies and investors, are those companies restructuring the arrangements.

In hindsight, it appears extraordinary that Enron's directors allowed Fastow to run some of Enron's partnerships, negotiating deals with Enron employees who were his subordinates. But in at least one offering document designed to lure investors to the partnerships, prepared in part by blue-chip lawyers (Kirkland & Ellis), auditors (PricewaterhouseCoopers) and investment bankers (Merrill Lynch), that glaring conflict of interest was not shunned; rather, it was touted as a potential advantage for investors who might benefit from inside knowledge.

Hidden Reality

"Managing may be giving way to manipulation; integrity may be losing out to illusion," Levitt warned in a speech in September 1998. To deal with the relentless pressure to deliver smooth, steady increases in quarterly profits, Levitt said, too many executives resorted to accounting tricks that, while usually legal and within the bounds of generally accepted accounting principles, were clearly meant to obfuscate and deceive.

Even as SEC chairman, however, Levitt was unable to stem the trend toward "earnings management," as it was politely called. In some industries, the practice became so widespread that smart purchasing managers realized they could get lower prices by waiting until the last week of a financial quarter in the hope of winning big discounts from sales managers desperate to meet their quarterly sales goals.

Executives who successfully managed their earnings and the earnings expectations of Wall Street analysts were rewarded with high stock prices, favorable ratings from stock analysts, glowing news articles and, not coincidentally, huge personal profits from stock options that have value only if share prices goes up. Many who refused to play the earnings-management game were dismissed as fuddy-duddies; their companies soon found themselves at a competitive disadvantage.

"In terms of earnings management, Enron stands tall but it hardly stands alone," said John C. Coffee, a corporate expert at the Columbia University Law School. "In the euphoria surrounding the Nasdaq bubble, there was big money to be made telling shareholders what they wanted to be told. . . . Of course there were people suspected there were problems, but everyone played along. Nobody likes the obnoxious child who says the emperor is naked."

Sen. Jon S. Corzine (D-N.J.), who headed the investment firm of Goldman, Sachs & Co. before he entered politics, agreed. "There has developed a culture of excess that is linked directly to this earnings-per-share mentality which, inevitably, has come to undermine the broader business ethos," Corzine said. "It was always there to some degree, but mostly at the fringes. Now it's getting very close to the core."

Jeffrey Pfeffer, professor of organizational behavior at the Stanford Business School, said the belief that stock price is all that matters has been hard-wired into the corporate psyche. It not only dictates how people judge the worth of their company but also how they feel about themselves and the work they're doing. And over time, he said, it has clouded judgments about what is acceptable corporate behavior.

In many companies, Pfeffer said, the ethical backsliding starts with a small, relatively innocuous deception -- backdating a contract by a couple of days or tucking a vague reference to a major screw-up in the footnotes of the annual report -- the financial equivalent of running a red light at a deserted intersection. Then, each successive quarter requires a bigger and bigger deception to keep the earnings momentum going.

Meanwhile, the auditor who looked the other way for the first few times realizes later that to stop it would require not only refusing to certify the books for the next quarter but also starting a process that would almost inevitably reveal the past mistakes, possibly triggering professional censure, lawsuits or an SEC investigation.

"I think it's very hard to argue that Enron is just an exceptional case," Pfeffer said. "Long booms like we had in the 1990s inevitably bring on excesses and corruption. We know that lots of people were playing fast and loose with the rules. . . . There's too many of them to believe it's a random, isolated event."

© 2002 The Washington Post Company

washingtonpost.com



To: KLP who wrote (1659)2/19/2002 1:55:01 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 3602
 
Math, Enron Style: $1.2 Billion = 'A Simple Mistake'

By Allan Sloan
The Washington Post
Tuesday, February 19, 2002

This column was written with Newsweek staff writer Mark Hosenball.

<<Isn't it amazing that no one seems to have been responsible for the collapse of America's seventh-largest company? In congressional testimony last week, Enron Corp. executive Sherron Watkins blamed former Enronites Jeffrey Skilling and Andrew Fastow for misleading former chairman Kenneth L. Lay. Lay, in turn, blamed his attorneys for forcing him to take the Fifth Amendment. (The lawyers weren't blaming anybody.) Skilling, who quit two months before Enron's death spiral started, claimed at recent congressional hearings to have believed the company was in great shape when he left. Fastow and his former subordinate, Michael Kopper, took the Fifth. Law firms, accountants and executives point fingers at one another.

And there's more to come. Arthur Andersen, Enron's outside accountant, may soon be back in the news, with top executives at headquarters in Chicago trying to offload blame for document shredding onto the Houston office, where Enron's audits were carried out.

We have learned that Andersen's internal investigation has provisionally cleared the firm's top managers of responsibility for the document shredding disclosed a month ago. The shredding began after a lawyer in the head office sent her Houston colleagues a copy of Andersen's document-retention policy.

But Andersen's investigators have tentatively concluded that the shredding had nothing to do with the letter. Rather, investigators believe, the shredding resulted from collusion between Enron employees and members of Andersen's Houston office. It's not clear what evidence -- if any -- backs up that allegation.

It's a sign of the times that Andersen is so jumpy that it has hired two other law firms that are monitoring the investigation. Asked for comment, an Andersen spokesman would say only that the internal investigation is continuing and that "no conclusions have been reached."

With hearings by about 10 congressional committees and subcommittees, endless lawsuits, civil probes, criminal probes and a treasure trove of documents (many of them available on the House Energy and Commerce Committee's dandy Web site), it seems as if the more answers we get, the more new questions are raised. Last Tuesday, senators teed off on Lay for 50 minutes, safe in the knowledge that he would utter only variations of "I must respectfully decline to answer, on Fifth Amendment grounds." (Imagine if the pols had known about Lay's Friday SEC filing: He'd sold $70 million of his Enron stock back to the company last year, some of it while he was urging employees to buy.)

In sharp contrast, Watkins, publicly mum since the House committee outed her a month ago, testified for hours and defended Lay. "I believed, and I still believe, that Mr. Lay is a man of integrity," she said. Why did Enron do sleazy things? She blames Lay's subordinates, Skilling and Fastow: "I think they intimidated a number of people into accepting some structures that were not truly acceptable."

While the human drama plays out on TV and the front pages, the real conversation about how to eliminate future Enrons is playing out mostly on the business pages, with discussion of unsexy but essential measures such as changing how companies calculate profits, account for some of their assets, produce financial statements and disclose stock sales by insiders. The recent panic in the market over anything that looks remotely like hinky accounting has produced more reform pressure in the two months since Enron filed for bankruptcy protection than former SEC chief Arthur Levitt Jr. could generate in eight years of fighting on behalf of investors.

But no matter how much you change the rules, it's hard to force people to call things as they are, as opposed to the way their firms -- and their clients -- want them to be. An illustration: We have obtained confidential legal documents that show Enron knew about a disastrous accounting error months before mentioning it in a crucial Oct. 16 meeting with investors. And that lawyers probing Watkins's allegations of accounting irregularities found the error but didn't put it in their report.

A memo written by Max Hendrick III of Vinson & Elkins, Enron's outside law firm, shows that Enron's chief accounting officer knew in August that Enron had made a huge mistake accounting for one of its controversial off-the-books partnerships. (It doesn't say when the accounting officer, Richard Causey, learned of the mistake.) During an Aug. 31 interview, "Causey pointed out that an unfortunate error will require an adjustment to the third quarter [financial] statements," the memo says. "Causey characterizes this as a simple mistake that now requires correction."

That "simple mistake" forced a $1.2 billion reduction of Enron's net worth. That reduction -- and Enron's failure to produce a quick, clear explanation for it -- sowed mistrust of all of Enron's numbers. That mistrust was a crucial factor in Enron's implosion. So how could V&E not mention the bookkeeping problem in its Oct. 15 report to Enron? V&E's answer: That matter was outside the scope of the report. Why did Enron wait months to disclose the huge and crucial bookkeeping error? The company declined to comment.

Almost any blame game seems plausible when it comes to Enron these days. Take the Internet sendup of those Sprint PCS ads that blame "bad cellular" for laughable miscommunications. Here's the Enron version: "The Arthur Andersen partner said, 'Ship the Enron documents to the feds,' but the secretary heard, 'Rip the Enron documents to shreds.' "

Yes, it's a joke. But not everyone is laughing.>>

______________________________
Sloan is Newsweek's Wall Street editor. His e-mail address is sloan@panix.com.

© 2002 The Washington Post Company



To: KLP who wrote (1659)2/20/2002 8:50:12 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 3602
 
Andersen floats Enron settlement

By James Evans
Crain's Chicago Business
February 20, 2002

Andersen reportedly is willing to offer a settlement of $260 million to resolve fraud claims included in the class-action lawsuit brought by Enron Corp. shareholders, according to a published news report.

Andersen spokesman Patrick Dorton would not confirm or deny the USA Today report, referring instead to a company statement that said, in part: "Reaching out to the groups affected in this case is consistent with our commitment to address the issues raised by Enron's collapse in a straightforward and constructive manner."

The statement went on to say, "We think it is in the best interests of all parties to deal expeditiously and responsibly with what has occurred."

USA Today Wednesday reported that the settlement figure was suggested during a Feb. 14 conference call between Andersen's attorneys, New York-based Davis Polk & Wardwell and Houston-based Rusty Hardin & Associates, and the plaintiffs' lawyers. During the call, Andersen attorneys expressed concern that the Enron case could put the Big Five firm out of business, sources quoted by USA Today said.

According to the news article, Andersen is willing to pay $260 million in corporate insurance, plus an undisclosed amount of company assets. Shareholders could receive another $350 million from liability insurance covering Enron executives and board directors, the report said.

Roger Greenberg, a Houston-based plaintiffs' attorney with Milberg Weiss Bershad Hynes & Lerach, said the USA Today story was incorrect, but would not comment further.



To: KLP who wrote (1659)2/21/2002 8:54:59 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 3602
 
Lay Offered Rubin Enron Board Seat

The Associated Press
Feb 21 2002 3:37AM

WASHINGTON (AP) - On one day in 1999, former Enron chairman Kenneth Lay sent notes signed ``Ken'' to Robert Rubin, who was stepping down as Treasury secretary, and to congratulate Rubin's successor, Lawrence Summers.

Lay lobbied Rubin, to whom he offered a seat on Enron's board, and Summers with the same easy cordiality on issues affecting Enron, documents obtained Wednesday show.

The notes and letters show that Lay pressed Enron's interests to Clinton administration officials. Last month, the Bush administration disclosed a series of telephone calls from Lay - one of President Bush's biggest campaign contributors - to members of the Bush Cabinet as the company slid toward bankruptcy last fall.

The new documents were provided by the Treasury Department under a Freedom of Information Act request by The Associated Press.

With Congress' investigation of Enron's collapse widening to Wall Street, the House Energy and Commerce Committee planned Thursday to send letters seeking information to about a dozen big investment firms.

Committee investigators are trying to determine whether Enron officials pressured the firms - including Merrill Lynch & Co., First Union Corp., Citigroup Inc., J.P. Morgan Chase & Co. and Credit Suisse First Boston - to invest in the partnerships or promised them special deals if they did so or raised money from other investors.

In addition to Congress, the Justice Department and the Securities and Exchange Commission are investigating Enron and the role of its longtime auditor, Arthur Andersen LLP.

Enron's current chief executive officer said Wednesday that someone could end up in jail on charges stemming from the government's investigation of the company and the complex web of partnerships - used to hide more than $1 billion in debt - that eventually brought it down.

``Given the enormity of the damage that's been created, I think it's going to be difficult to not hold one or more people accountable,'' said Stephen Cooper, who took the helm of Enron after Lay resigned last month as chairman.

Investors nationwide lost money, and thousands of Enron employees lost their retirement savings in accounts loaded with Enron stock as the energy-trading company collapsed.

Rubin, who left the government in mid-1999, is chairman of the executive committee of Citigroup, one of the banks that lent hundreds of millions of dollars to Enron. Rubin called Treasury's undersecretary for domestic finance, Peter Fisher, last Nov. 8 to seek his intervention on Enron's behalf. At the time, rating agencies were poised to downgrade their opinions on the financial status of Houston-based Enron.

On May 14, 1999, after Rubin announced he was leaving his post, Lay wrote him: ``If you are considering joining any corporate boards, I would like very much to talk to you. Given the way Enron has evolved, not only do we badly need a person with your experience and insights ... but also I think you would find serving on our board intellectually and otherwise interesting.''

Rubin did not join Enron's board of directors.

Leah Johnson, Rubin's spokeswoman at Citigroup's New York headquarters, noted that he received 30 to 40 offers to join corporate boards at that time. ``Rubin had no interest'' in the Enron board position, Johnson said. She did not comment further.

Also on May 14, Lay wrote a note to Summers, Rubin's successor, congratulating him on becoming Treasury chief and promising to be available ``if there is anything at all I or Enron could do for you or the department.''

Lay's spokeswoman, Kelly Kimberly, declined to comment on the documents.

In another letter, dated Dec. 3, 1998, Lay urged Rubin to approve Houston's application to be named an ``empowerment zone,'' a status that brings tax breaks and other incentives meant to promote economic revival.

Enron had some 20,000 employees when it filed for bankruptcy on Dec. 2. It has been one of the largest employers in Houston, which has not been designated as an empowerment zone.

Enron had lobbied throughout the government and Congress against regulation of electricity markets and the trading of financial products, known as derivatives, tied to energy commodities. In an Oct. 8, 1999, letter to Summers, Lay said Enron was ``troubled'' by the idea. He indicated he was prompted to write by a speech in which a Treasury assistant general counsel suggested federal regulators might be considering regulation of the huge global derivatives market that exists outside of commodities exchanges.

``Larry, hopefully the comments made by John Yetter were just a misunderstanding,'' Lay wrote. ``I would very much appreciate receiving a call or note from you if in fact there is any reason that we should be concerned about this occurring.''

Summers responded on Nov. 22, noting that Yetter and another Treasury official, Assistant Secretary Lee Sachs, had met with several Enron executives to discuss the company's concerns and that Sachs spoke on the phone with Lay about the issue.



To: KLP who wrote (1659)2/22/2002 8:44:02 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 3602
 
House Unit to Probe Six Wall St. Firms

By Ben White
Washington Post Staff Writer
Friday, February 22, 2002

NEW YORK, Feb. 21 -- The House Energy and Commerce Committee plans to send letters to six investment banking firms as early as Friday seeking information on their work for Enron Corp. And a committee spokesman said House investigators could seek written responses from as many as six more.

The first set of letters, which were being finished today, will go to Citigroup Inc., J.P. Morgan Chase & Co., Wachovia Corp., Morgan Stanley Dean Witter & Co., Credit Suisse First Boston Corp. and Dresdner Bank AG.

Committee Chairman W.J. "Billy" Tauzin (R-La.) said in an interview that several bankers from these firms could be called to Washington to testify about their experiences with Enron, depending on how the bankers respond to the letters.

Among other things, the letters ask the banks to detail any role they may have played in helping to design and market the limited partnerships that a special committee of Enron's board concluded were used to improperly remove debt from the company's balance sheet and present an inflated financial picture to investors.

The letters also ask the bankers whether they felt pressured by Enron executives to raise investment capital for the partnerships -- as well as to invest in them personally and corporately -- in exchange for promises of underwriting and advisory business with the energy-trading giant, which is now in bankruptcy.

In congressional testimony and in papers released this week by Congress, former Enron treasurer Jeffrey McMahon, now the company's president, said he fielded complaints from bankers who felt pressured to invest in LJM2, one of Enron's off-balance-sheet partnerships.

"The letters flow out of those allegations made by McMahon indicating that there seems to have been a little sweet talking going on," Tauzin said. "Others have said there may have been some strong-arm tactics used with [the banks], forcing them to invest [in the partnerships] at peril of losing business."

Tauzin also said the letters are intended to give members of Congress a better general picture of the relationships between Enron and the Wall Street investment banks that made tens of millions of dollars over the years by underwriting the company's many stock and bond issues and advising it on mergers and acquisitions. After making millions from Enron, many big banks lost enormous sums as the company collapsed. J.P. Morgan Chase, for instance, has already written off $456 million in trading losses and loans to Enron, and it has exposure of up to $2 billion more.

"We are trying to find out how this all works," Tauzin said. "What's the relationships between these corporations, the special-purpose entities and the investment bankers?"

The letters also ask whether pressure was applied to analysts at Wall Street's brokerage and investment-banking houses to keep "buy" ratings on Enron stock, even as the company headed toward bankruptcy.

All six banks slated to receive letters from the House Energy Committee appear on official lists of investors in the LJM2 partnership, which was run by former Enron chief financial officer Andrew S. Fastow. The list includes a handful of other firms, including Merrill Lynch and Co., the nation's largest brokerage. Merrill Lynch has acknowledged raising $390 million for LJM2 as well as investing close to $20 million, both from the firm itself and from individual employees.

Merrill Lynch and other banks have said their involvement with the LJM2 partnership was proper. They have deflected criticism that they may have known more about Enron's precarious financial picture than others but failed to share that information. Merrill Lynch and other banks have also said they would cooperate with any congressional inquiries.

Stuart Kaswell, general counsel for the Securities Industry Association, said it was "entirely appropriate for Congress to search for the facts."

"I have a great deal of respect for and confidence in my industry and believe the record will show that they acquitted themselves well," he said.

Beyond the partnerships, Tauzin said he was also interested in exploring what role Wall Street banks may have played in helping Enron shield its true financial picture through the use of derivative contracts, complex financial instruments whose value is derived from one or more underlying variables, such as the price of a stock or the cost of a commodity.

"We want to find out whether these investment firms were involved in any improper way in helping Enron hide its debts," he said.

© 2002 The Washington Post Company



To: KLP who wrote (1659)2/26/2002 8:29:28 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 3602
 
Bush mulls tougher rules for CEOs

Penalties could be brought for carelessness, not just fraud

By Jacob M. Schlesinger
THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
Feb. 25, 2002

The Bush administration is exploring ways to make it easier for the government to punish corporate officers and directors accused of misleading shareholders in the post-Enron world, weighing new penalties for mere carelessness, even if an executive doesn’t commit outright fraud.

“ONE OF THE things we’re talking about is to move the standard for CEOs … from recklessness to negligence, which is an important change,” Treasury Secretary Paul O’Neill said in an interview last week.

Though Mr. O’Neill didn’t mention Enron Corp. by name, his comments came after various top executives and directors of the company have insisted that they were unaware of the financial woes that ultimately led to the firm’s bankruptcy filing. Under current standards, that claim makes it harder for those officials to face penalties, since they assert they didn’t actively, recklessly, mislead shareholders. Under the standards Mr. O’Neill suggests, those executives would be more likely to be punished if a judge or arbiter concluded that they were negligent, or should have known about the problems and worked to fix them, even if they didn’t know.

Mr. O’Neill is chairman of the group of top financial policy makers and regulators charged by President Bush to propose a set of reforms on corporate disclosure and governance in the wake of the Enron debacle. The committee also includes Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan, Securities and Exchange Commission Chairman Harvey Pitt, and James Newsome, head of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission.
Another idea getting serious review from those officials, according to people familiar with the discussions, is to create a new kind of self-regulatory organization to police corporate executives and directors. The organization would act on complaints from shareholders and others, much the same way that the New York Stock Exchange and National Association of Securities Dealers police and penalize their member broker-dealers.
No such body currently exists for CEOs of the companies whose stocks trade on those exchanges. One possibility, floated by Mr. Pitt in a speech here Friday, was to extend the powers of the NYSE and NASD. The SEC chairman said he has asked both organizations “to review their listing agreements, to see whether new obligations for corporate officers and directors can be articulated.”

The high-powered working group overseen by Mr. O’Neill is also exploring ways to raise penalties on executives found to have committed wrongdoing — through commission or omission — by the SEC or a self-policing body. After his speech, Mr. Pitt told reporters he would like to be able to force executives to give up gains reaped by selling stock or stock options shortly before the company’s shares plunge. “It’s very important for me to see that change,” Mr. Pitt said. “It’s a simple notion of taking money that you haven’t earned, and that’s not the American way.”
For all the tough-sounding talk these days out of the likes of Messrs. O’Neill and Pitt, it remains unclear just how far the Bush administration really will go in cracking down on the CEOs of large corporations who worked so hard — and gave so much money — to get President Bush elected.

Indeed, officials are clearly struggling to find what they consider the right balance. On the same day in early January, Mr. Bush responded to the mounting Enron outrage by creating two task forces: one to explore changes to pension policies, one to review corporate governance practices. The pension group drafted its proposals in less than a month. The corporate governance group has yet to reach any conclusions, and people familiar with the process say it could be several more weeks before the members even agree on a set of guidelines.
One specific concern among the president’s conservative economic advisers is finding a way to threaten executives with new penalties without opening the door to more civil lawsuits, a prospect anathema to the core principles of many Republicans. One approach would declare that the new, lower bar to penalties would apply only to administrative processes — to be used by the SEC, arbitrators, or a new self-regulating group — without changing standards for shareholder lawsuits.
Mr. O’Neill appears to have backed off of a proposal he floated a few weeks ago that would bar executives from buying insurance to cover the cost of shareholder lawsuits. The idea drew strong opposition from other administration officials. Asked about it again in the interview, Mr. O’Neill said, “I haven’t decided yet whether I think that’s something we ought to press on the president.” He added: “there’s a good argument made that where people knowingly … mislead through omissions or even commissions, that the insurance doesn’t cover them anyway and therefore it’s not necessary to prohibit coverage.”
As administration officials deliberate over their preferred response to Enron, there are plenty of internal voices for restraint. “From a historical point of view, when one looks at these periods, there’s always too little regulation on the way up, and there’s always the temptation to do too much regulation on the way down,” Lawrence Lindsey, head of the White House National Economic Council, said in a separate interview earlier this month.
When Mr. O’Neill put forth his latest “negligence standard” idea to fellow administration officials recently, both Mr. Pitt and Glenn Hubbard, chairman of the White House Council of Economic Advisers, argued against it, concerned that no matter how it is crafted the plan could lead to more civil lawsuits.
But the iconoclastic Mr. O’Neill — a former Alcoa Inc. chairman who has long delighted in chiding fellow CEOs for failing to adhere to his high management standards — appears to revel in the role of corporate scold. He said that when he raises the notion of tougher governance standards with CEOs, “their eyes get real big, which is OK with me.” If executives look at the White House reforms and “say ‘oh yeah, piece of cake,’ then we probably haven’t raised the bar high enough,” Mr. O’Neill added.

In addition to examining the penalty system for corporate officers, the administration task force is also reviewing new standards for disclosing financial information to shareholders. Among the many proposals under consideration, one would subject major corporations to more regular, thorough SEC financial audits, modeled after the annual Internal Revenue Service tax audits of large businesses.

Copyright © 2002 Dow Jones & Company, Inc.



To: KLP who wrote (1659)2/26/2002 5:23:28 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 3602
 
Watkins Criticizes Lay for the First Time

By April Witt
Washington Post Staff Writer
Tuesday, February 26, 2002; 4:04 PM

Sherron Watkins, the Enron Corp. vice president who was the first person to raise concerns internally about the company's finances, sought to distance herself from former Enron Chairman Kenneth L. Lay, telling a congressional committee this morning that she was "incredibly frustrated with Mr. Lay's action or lack thereof" in the wake of her disclosures to him.

Her testimony, before the Senate Commerce Committee, came in concert with former Enron chief executive Jeffrey K. Skilling, who pointedly told senators, "I never duped Ken Lay."

In a remarkable scene that put Watkins, Skilling and current Enron President Jeffrey McMahon at the same witness table, Watkins for the first time was publicly critical of Lay. Skilling and McMahon shook hands as the hearing before the Senate Commerce Committee got underway this morning, but Watkins avoided looking at Skilling whom she has accused of misleading Lay.

During this morning's testimony, Watkins once again described her meeting with Lay on Aug. 22, 2001. At the half-hour meeting, she said she gave Lay memos she had drafted expressing her concerns about the company's accounting practices and reiterating her opinion that it was never appropriate for a corporation to use its stock price to affect the overall financial picture of the company.

At the end of the meeting, Watkins said she was certain that Lay would act on her recommendations. "I fully expected Mr. Lay to conduct a full investigation into my concerns. I was disappointed that such was not the case. I was incredibly frustrated by Mr. Lay's actions or lack thereof." She went on to say that "Enron had a brief window to rescue itself last fall, but we missed that opportunity because of Mr. Lay's failure to recognize or accept that the company had manipulated its financial statements."

Skilling listened passively while senators opened the hearing with sharp criticism of him and the company he led.

"Mr. Skilling, if you plan to tell this committee that you did not understand Enron's true financial condition, then you will need to explain why, why you failed to understand things that any diligent chief executive officer would have understood," said Sen. Jean Carnahan (D-Mo.)

But when it came his time to testify, Skilling was assertive. "I didn't lie to Congress or anyone else," he said in denying he was aware of the company's imminent demise or the ways in which it used partnerships to hide debt. He also denied having manipulated Lay. "I heard Ms. Watkins testify as to her opinion," Skilling said. "I have no idea what the basis was for this opinion."

In one particularly pointed exchange, Skilling was challenged by Sen. Byron Dorgan (D-N.D.) recalling a joke Skilling had once made comparing California during its recent energy crisis to the Titanic.

"On the Titanic, the captain went down with the ship," Dorgan said. "In Enron, it looks like the captain gave himself and other top executives bonuses . . . and then lowered himself in the life boat and said, 'Everything is going to be fine.'‚"

Skilling fired back, "I think that's a pretty bad analogy. I wasn't on the Titanic. I got off in Ireland."

Earlier this month, Watkins told the House Energy and Commerce subcommittee on oversight and investigations that she believed Skilling and former Enron executive Andrew S. Fastow were chiefly to blame for Enron's demise, while Lay did not comprehend the seriousness of the company's accounting problems.

"It is my humble opinion he did not understand the gravity of the condition the company was in," Watkins said earlier this month. Skilling and Fastow, on the other hand, "misserved" Lay, the company and its shareholders, she said.

She contradicted the sworn testimony of Skilling, who was president and chief executive of Enron for six months before resigning last August. Fastow was the chief financial officer who ran off-the-books partnerships that a special committee of Enron's board recently concluded were designed to inflate profits and hide losses.

Watkins compared Skilling and Fastow to the swindlers in "The Emperor's New Clothes," who convinced the emperor of "the fine material that they were weaving," adding, "And I think Mr. Skilling and Mr. Fastow are highly intimidating, very smart individuals, and I think they intimidated a number of people into accepting some structures that were not truly acceptable."

She said she felt she couldn't complain before August about the "alarming" accounting irregularities to Skilling or Fastow because she would have lost her job.

Her description of Enron's top officials before the House subcommittee closely followed a memo she gave to Lay last October. At that time, Watkins advised Lay to blame others for the company's troubles. She told the congressional hearing that she did that because she believes others are to blame.

Watkins said she sought a meeting with Lay, whom she called a man of integrity, after Skilling resigned suddenly, because she feared Lay would replace him with Fastow or with Richard Causey.

During the meeting with Lay, Watkins said, she told him about her concerns with the accounting practices of the Fastow-run partnerships. She testified that within weeks of beginning to work in Fastow's global finance unit, she realized that a group of partnerships known as the Raptors "owed Enron in excess of $700 million," a loss, she said, that "was going to be borne by Enron shareholders."

In contradicting Skilling, Watkins said that he was required to sign forms showing he had reviewed partnership transactions and that the approval process was "cast in stone." During his testimony, Skilling said he did not sign the forms and did not believe his signature was required.
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Washington Post reporter Susan Schmidt and the Associated Press contributed to this report.

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