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Politics : The Donkey's Inn -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Mephisto who wrote (3183)3/11/2002 12:52:27 AM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
Throw back the throwback Pickering
March 5, 2002, 7:27PM

By CRAGG HINES
Copyright 2002 Houston Chronicle

A few judicial nominees deserve to be Borked, and Charles W. Pickering Sr. is one. If
Pickering were just a throwback to the worst days of Jim Crow, it would be one thing, but as
recently as 1994, he argued that prosecutors should go easy on a man convicted of burning
a cross on the lawn of an interracial couple and shooting into their house.


The worst part is that Pickering made his argument, in secret entreaties to the Justice
Department, as the U.S. district judge in Mississippi hearing the case.

Pickering is clearly not qualified for his current judicial post. Now, President Bush has
nominated Pickering for elevation to the Fifth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, which covers
Texas, Louisiana and Mississippi.

A closely divided Senate Judiciary Committee is scheduled to vote on Pickering's nomination
tomorrow. The committee should reject it, and the few moderate Republicans on the panel
should join in sending the White House a message that this kind of judicial foolishness will
not be tolerated.

Pickering may be defeated, but don't wait for any Republicans to hop aboard. Pickering's
major qualification is that he is a close friend of Senate Minority Leader Trent Lott, R-Miss.

Lott tried to rush Pickering's nomination through, and the Democrats who control the
Senate Judiciary Committee initially sought to accommodate the Republican leader. A
hearing was held on Oct. 18, when Senate operations were virtually shut down by the threat
of anthrax.

Civil rights and abortion rights groups asked the committee to slow down the freight train.
Researchers went to work on Pickering's record.

Conservatives and Bush loyalists carp that this is what liberals did to Robert C. Bork, which
resulted in rejection of his nomination, by President Reagan, to the Supreme Court in 1987.
Well, yes, it is similar, and for good reason.

Judicial nominees should at least be made to explain their records, both on and off the
bench. Pickering has a lot of explaining to do and hasn't done a very good job of it, including
at a second committee hearing on his nomination last month.

To put Pickering's legal background in the best possible light, he is an evolved racist.


As a student in 1959, Pickering authored a law review note on ways to strengthen
Mississippi's law against interracial marriage, advice the Legislature quickly took. Pickering
wasn't carrying out an assignment. He wasn't playing devil's advocate. He was a budding
segregationist politician.

Pickering soon formed a law firm with a Mississippi politician pledged to defending a
segregated South. A voluntary association.

In 1964, Pickering left the Democratic Party and became a Republican. At his second Senate
committee hearing, Pickering said he made the move because the national Democratic Party
had "humiliated" the Mississippi party. In the context of the 1960s, "humiliated" meant that
the national Democratic Party had forced the Mississippi party to desegregate.

Ancient history? It could be, but unfortunately is not.

Pickering's more recent record is almost as bad. His district court opinions are sprinkled
with truly anachronistic musings about settled law, including hostility to the principle of one
person-one vote as a bother to state and local governmental processes.

Pickering's pledge to follow precedent, including on abortion rights, rings hollow given his
leadership in 1976 as a Republican National Convention delegate in inserting a call for an
anti-abortion constitutional amendment into the party's platform.

Some black activists have spoken up for Pickering, but his record speaks for itself.
Supporters point to his appearance against a Ku Klux Klan defendant in a mid-1960s
murder trial. That's admirable but hardly makes him The Great Emancipator, and, anyway,
by then the Klan was an economic embarrassment to the white establishment.

In 1990, President George H.W. Bush nominated Pickering for a district judgeship, and he
was confirmed. In 1994, Pickering vividly illustrated why that was a mistake. It came in the
cross-burning case.

Justice Department records show Pickering protested, in a private session, the prosecution's
effort to have the defendant sentenced to the five years called for in federal guidelines.
Pickering also called a senior Justice Department official to complain and, according to
department notes, threatened to grant a new trial.

Pickering's actions seem a clear violation of judicial ethics. He's not fit for his current job,
much less a promotion.

chron.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (3183)1/10/2003 2:18:21 PM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
Payback in Judges

" The worst-kept secret in Washington: Judicial appointments
are the tribute Bush pays to his political base."


By E. J. Dionne Jr.
Friday, January 10, 2003; Page
A21

washingtonpost.com

You have to hand it to
President Bush and his
judge-pickers.

They understand the
power of the judiciary to
shape American political
life for years to come. They
brazenly use their
executive authority to fill
the courts with their allies.

Then they attack, attack
and attack again when
opposition senators dare
invoke their own
constitutional power to
slow a juggernaut whose
purpose is to remake the
world according to the
specifications of Justice Antonin Scalia.

To make clear who is in charge, Bush took two circuit court
nominees rejected by the Senate Judiciary Committee last
year, when it was in Democratic hands, and sent them
right back.

The renominations of Justice Priscilla Owen of the Texas
Supreme Court
and, especially, of Judge Charles W.
Pickering Sr. of Mississippi caused consternation and even
a bit of shock. Pickering had been the personal choice of
former Senate Republican leader Trent Lott,
who was
pushed out of his job after his tribute to Strom
Thurmond's 1948 segregationist presidential candidacy.
Pickering was hurt by his handling of the sentencing in a
cross-burning case and his past views on civil rights.

Republicans argue that the cross-burning issue was
invoked unfairly, because Pickering was simply seeking
equity in the sentencing of the case's three defendants.
But Pickering's tendency to use court opinions for
disquisitions on public issues suggested a less than
judicial temperament.

Politically, the renominations were shrewd. By sending
Pickering up again, Bush signaled to his Southern backers
that he was willing to stand up for a Mississippian against
Senate liberals, despite Lott's defenestration. And the
energy the Pickering and Owen battles will soak up may
allow other ideological nominees to slip through.


The real issue here involves not the personal
characteristics of nominees -- there are plenty of smart
conservatives on Bush's list -- but a political struggle to
create an increasingly activist conservative bench. "They
realized that if they took over the one unelected part of the
government, they could govern for a generation," says Sen.
Charles E. Schumer, a New York Democrat.

A liberal fantasy? On the contrary, the ever-candid Clint
Bolick, a former Reagan Justice Department official and
conservative activist, told The Post this week that "everyone
on the right agreed in 2000 that judicial nominations were
the single most important reason to be for Bush." The
worst-kept secret in Washington: Judicial appointments
are the tribute Bush pays to his political base.


Moreover, conservatives are increasingly willing to use
federal judicial power to achieve political ends.
Forget
Florida 2000 and consider a redistricting controversy in
Mississippi last year. It involved none other than Rep.
Charles W. Pickering Jr., a Republican who is Judge
Pickering's son.


Mississippi lost a congressional seat after the 2000
Census, and Pickering's district was merged with that of
Rep. Ronnie Shows, a Democrat. A state judge drew
district lines favoring Shows. A federal three-judge panel,
all Republican appointees, then drew a plan favoring
Pickering.
The judges said they would impose their plan if
the Bush Justice Department did not quickly clear the
state plan for civil rights purposes. By dragging its feet, the
Justice Department sealed Shows's fate.
The final blow
came from none other than Justice Scalia -- a friend of the
Pickering family who presided over the younger Pickering's
first swearing-in as a congressman. Scalia ruled to allow
the Republican judges to impose their map. Pickering beat
Shows this fall.


Or consider the ruling of Judge John D. Bates in
December declaring that Congress's General Accounting
Office -- and thus the public -- had no right to learn the
specifics about meetings between Vice President Cheney's
famous energy task force and various energy executives
and lobbyists. The same John Bates, an appointee of the
current president, was an attorney for Ken Starr's
Whitewater investigation and pushed hard (and
successfully) for the release of various White House
documents related to Hillary Rodham Clinton's activities.

"When that guy was working for Ken Starr, he wanted to go
open the dresser drawers of the White House," said Sen.
Patrick Leahy of Vermont, the ranking Democrat on the
Judiciary Committee. "I guess it's a lot different when it's a
Republican vice president." Such suspicions of
partisanship in the judiciary are corrosive because,
unfortunately, they are now plausible.


Judicial appointments are not like patronage jobs in the
Commerce Department. Judges sit for life. A president who
says he wants a more decorous process won't get it if he
refuses to acknowledge that the road to depoliticizing the
judiciary will be paved by consultation on appointments.
Playing partisan politics and calling it high principle won't
work anymore.

washingtonpost.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (3183)1/10/2003 5:26:56 PM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
Arrogant Bush invites racial battle

"…the last thing he
needs at the start of a new Congress is a diversion onto a
civil rights battleground, where his party is newly
vulnerable in light of the new partisan wounds opened by
the Lott affair."


Jules Witcover

sunspot.net
Originally published Jan 10, 2003

WASHINGTON - It certainly didn't take President
Bush long to indicate his response to the political
problem created by Sen. Trent Lott's
reminiscences about the good old days of
segregation, now that Mr. Lott has been thrown to
the wolves.


Some civil rights advocates may have deluded themselves
into expecting the president to be cowed by Democratic
plans to put Republican race policies under a greater
microscope now and thus back off his most controversial
earlier judgeship nominations.

They quickly found out otherwise as he greeted the new
Congress with the renomination of Mr. Lott's Mississippi
friend, Charles W. Pickering Sr., a federal district judge
seeking to move up to the federal appellate court in New
Orleans. Senate Democrats rejected Judge Pickering last
year on the basis of his record on racial issues,
particularly his early criticisms of race-mixing and
associations with segregationist leaders in his state.

Mr. Lott and other defenders insisted, however, that Judge
Pickering's views and behavior had changed with the
times. Even as Mr. Lott retreated in a gallop from his own
record on race, trying to save his job as Senate Republican
leader, he stuck by Judge Pickering in the interview on
Black Entertainment Television, which contributed
mightily to his own fall.


Mr. Bush's effort to jam Judge Pickering down the throats
of Senate Democrats - and that apparently is what it will
take - sends a discouraging message not only to black
voters but also to moderate Republicans who had hoped
the Lott affair would be a wake-up call for their party about
racial politics.


These moderates saw in the fiasco a fresh opportunity to
alter the party's image as the conservative white man's
haven, clinging to the past to hold the Deep South as a
dependable political base. Instead, the Pickering
renomination is mobilizing Democratic leaders to fan even
more aggressively the suspicions toward the GOP among
black, liberal and other minority voters stirred anew by the
Lott incident.


Sen. Ted Kennedy of Massachusetts, the one Democrat
whom sons of the old South most love to hate, has already
said, "We will use every tool in our arsenal to ensure that
[Judge Pickering's] nomination is rejected again this year."
That remark, echoed by fellow Democrat Sen. Charles
Schumer
of New York, suggests a possible filibuster, which
the 51 Republicans in the Senate would find hard to break
because they would need 60 votes.

That Mr. Bush would openly invite such a fight on the very
first day of the new Congress, and at the same time
propose another massive program of $674 billion in tax
breaks, mostly for the well-off, reveals a confidence that
spills over into arrogance. While his party made gains in
November that gave him control of both houses, they were
minimal. And although it's true the Republicans have
regained the chairmanship of the Senate Judiciary
Committee, which will consider the nomination, House
and Senate Democratic leaders, stung by their November
defeat, are vowing greater confrontation this year.

Mr. Bush's gesture to white conservatives with his
in-your-face renomination of Judge Pickering is a
president flexing his political muscles in the most
conspicuous and defiant manner. But the last thing he
needs at the start of a new Congress is a diversion onto a
civil rights battleground, where his party is newly
vulnerable in light of the new partisan wounds opened by
the Lott affair.

Mr. Lott himself is on the spot as a continuing member of
the Senate. Which version will be serving from now on?
Will it be the repentant Mr. Lott who now, among other
things, says he completely supports affirmative action in
education ? Or will it be the dug-in Mr. Lott who still
stands four-square behind Judge Pickering?

Mr. Lott on opening day sat docilely among the back rows
of the Senate, away from the well of the chamber, where
in his imperious manner he once directed the Senate's
business as majority leader. Instead of resuming his
position as GOP top dog, Mr. Lott will be closely watched to
see whether he will now be a man of his new word, or of
his old past.

Jules Witcover writes from The Sun's Washington bureau.
His column appears Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays.

Copyright © 2003, The Baltimore Sun