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Politics : The Donkey's Inn -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Mephisto who wrote (3329)3/18/2002 5:45:32 PM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 15516
 
Terror war veering out of control
The Cincinnati Post
cincypost.com

The anti-terrorist crusade is getting out of control. Terrorism is a threat, to
be sure. But our unfocused effort to attack our enemies everywhere
threatens to do more harm than good.

Worst of all is our campaign to unseat Saddam Hussein. We had a
chance to remove him from power during the Gulf War, but the elder
George Bush failed to push the campaign to a conclusion. Despite
sky-high approval ratings, like those of his son today, he wanted to
disengage the United States from the war as quickly as he could. And so
we have been tangling with Saddam Hussein ever since.

But that is hardly a reason to go after him now, in the wake of the
September 11 terrorist attacks on the

World Trade Center towers and the Pentagon.

There is no question that
Saddam Hussein has done some unspeakable things, both to his enemies
and to his own people. Yet there is no hard evidence, or for that matter,
soft evidence, that either he or his fellow Iraqis were involved in the terrorist
attacks.

The stakes are painfully high. As violence in the Middle East spirals out of
control, an unprovoked attack on Iraq could lead to retaliation on Israel,
which in turn could involve the entire Arab world. It would be a terrible price
for the United States pay to avenge itself this way in the name of family
pride.

Meanwhile, the United States is engaged in an even more puzzling
anti-terrorist campaign in the Philippines. The brutal Abu Sayyaf
kidnapping group numbers about 60 on the island of Basilan. The group
has thus far managed to elude about 7,000 Filipino soldiers. Now the
United States in wading into the fray with $100 million in military aid that
includes 30,000 machine guns.


As Pulitzer Prize winning columnist Nicholas D. Kristof has pointed out
recently, our entire effort seems ill-advised. The main public hospital on
Basilan serves about 300,000, but like such facilities in developing
countries around the world, has next to nothing to provide adequate
medical care. But anti-terrorism is popular these days, and so we plunge
ahead.

It's like that in Afghanistan, as well. Operation Anaconda is aimed at
rooting out the last Al-Qaida and Taliban fighters, holed up in caves far out
of the way. Yet even after a ferocious bombing campaign and ground
onslaught, we have little to show for our efforts. Reports of the fighting
simply provide body counts that are a painful reminder of the nightly news
from Vietnam, and the results appear to be about the same. Osama bin
Laden is still at large, and it now appears that we don't have a clue about
where he might be.


And yet we remain committed to an open-ended anti-terrorist campaign
that is costing a great deal of money, has a set of shifting targets, and has
no end in sight. Indeed, it's hard to know when it might ever end, or what
victory will entail.

But it is politically popular. The American people have traditionally been
willing to rally around their leader in times of crisis. They did so in World
War I and World War II. They believed in the anti-Communist campaign in
the Korean War, though the troubling stalemate helped bring down Harry
Truman in the end. And initially they supported the war in Vietnam.

Riding approval ratings seldom seen in the White House, George Bush
has every reason to push ahead. While the recession may be ending, the
economy is still not healthy. There is serious disagreement between
Democrats and Republicans in Congress over what kind of stimulus
package is appropriate and what to do about Social Security. The
president's hand-picked candidate for the Republican nomination for the
governorship of California recently went down to defeat.

Our American electoral system means that campaigns begin months, and
sometimes years, before an election takes place. Everyone in
Washington, and around the country, is maneuvering for position with this
coming November in mind. And November is eight months away.

I remain troubled by the travesties that took place on September 11. But
I'm equally worried about a politically-motivated anti-terrorist campaign that
may never end.

Allan Winkler is a history professor at Miami University.
Publication date: 03-15-02
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To: Mephisto who wrote (3329)3/22/2002 3:10:44 PM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
What Cheney learned on his Mideast tour
Christian Science Monitor

csmonitor.com

By Henry Precht

WASHINGTON - Vice President Cheney seems to have failed in his
hurried mission of instructing Middle Eastern leaders on the need for
military action to bring down Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein. But the
trip succeeded admirably in teaching him five basic lessons about
the region today:


o The Israel-Palestine conflict is central to the politics of Arab states.
Their leaders are convinced that the course and outcome of the
struggle could well determine their futures.

o A cease-fire in the conflict is meaningless
unless there is a political context of hope.
Palestinians are fighting for freedom from
occupation; Israelis are retaliating to achieve
security. At present, neither freedom nor
security is in sight.

o The peace plan of Saudi Crown Prince
Abdullah offers the best hope for the peace
and security that normal people, not the
ideologues, earnestly desire. This plan calls
for a return to 1967 Israeli borders in
exchange for fully normalized relations with
all Arab states, closing most Jewish
settlements, and dropping the right of all
pre-1948 refugees to return to their homes in
Israel.

o The bitterness of prolonged violence and
the absence of hope for peace push
extremists on both sides to the fore, making
it impossible to believe the two parties can
come together in a spirit of conciliation and
compromise.

o Both Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon
and Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat will
respond to US pressure when it is firmly
applied and when their situations are
desperate. Evidence: first, Mr. Sharon's
agreement to pull his troops out of
reoccupied Palestinian areas and easing of
sanctions on Mr. Arafat, and, second,
Arafat's sincere - if futile - call for an end to
violence.

This last lesson is the most basic one, for it rests on earlier
teachings from the history of the conflict as well as on current
realities. In the past, Israel has made concessions to its Arab
enemies only when pressed by Washington or by those enemies. It
withdrew forces from the Sinai Peninsula on three occasions when
Presidents Eisenhower, Nixon, and Carter demanded it.

Israel ended an incursion into Lebanon when Carter insisted, and
withdrew completely under pressure from Hizbullah. It stopped
(temporarily) settlement activity when the first President Bush
withheld housing loan money. The Oslo accords of 1993 - which set
a framework for talks between Israel and the Palestinians - were the
result of years of fighting in the first intifada.

Now the Israeli economy has tanked, registering negative growth after
the destruction of tourism and investment by the second intifada,
plus the collapse of the Nasdaq in the US, which hit Israel's
technology sector.

On top of this fiscal/political disaster, the extraordinary expenses of
fighting Palestinians will be a heavy burden. Who will pay it? Don't be
surprised if Israel sends Washington a request soon for supplemental
aid.

Arafat's Palestinian Authority is even more vulnerable after months of
intifada destruction and years of mismanagement and corruption. He
is desperate for a resolution to the conflict, but will not settle for
terms - such as those at the last Camp David talks, in 2000 - that
do not give him a viable state.

This is, therefore, the moment for the careful application of pressure
by Washington for a lasting settlement, along the lines of the
Abdullah plan.

America should not wait for an elusive ceasefire, but instead
assemble a broad coalition of allies from Europe and the Middle East
to share in the labor of pushing the combatants toward the only
feasible end to the conflict.

The coalition could also provide peacekeeping forces to separate the
parties. Neither the Israeli nor the Palestinian rulers can resist such
pressure, and most of their constituents will gratefully accept it.

It is time for the Bush administration to apply the lessons Mr.
Cheney brought home from his journey.

o Henry Precht is a retired Foreign Service officer with experience in
the Middle East since 1964.

csmonitor.com