SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : The Donkey's Inn -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Mephisto who wrote (3377)3/22/2002 3:05:21 PM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 15516
 
US throws out 'odious' party funding system :
Reluctant Bush may be the first beneficiary of resisted
change


Matthew Engel in Washington
Friday March 22, 2002
The Guardian

The US Senate has given final backing to a bill designed to
reform the financing of election campaigns, in an effort to reduce
the role of big money. The bill has already been passed by the
House of Representatives and now President Bush will, albeit
grudgingly, sign it into law.

Reformers have been trying to push through various versions of
the bill since the mid-1990s. Officials ordered a supply of camp
beds for senators in case the bill's opponents carried out their
threat to filibuster against it throughout Wednesday night.

In the end, though, the opposition gave in quietly. The bill was
passed by 60 votes to 40, with 11 Republicans deserting their
party leadership to support it and two Democrats defecting the
other way.


Vast sums are needed to buy the TV time necessary to win a
major American election.

This can come only from being mega-rich - like the New York
mayor, Michael Bloomberg, or Jon Corzine, the Goldman Sachs
billionaire who in effect bought his way into the Senate from New
Jersey as if it were a country club- or by accepting huge sums
from outside interests.

This has made it increasingly difficult to throw out incumbents,
who are far more attractive to donors than challengers.

Nevertheless Congress came round to support change. As the
Washington Post editorial said yesterday: "Many voters cared
about, and were repelled by, the increasingly odious system.
Some office holders wearied of the endless pressure to raise
money; some businesses began to complain about a kind of
political extortion under which they felt pressured to give, in
order to protect their interests."

The main thrust of the change is to ban "soft money" donations
paid to national political parties, which escape the restrictions
imposed on direct payments to candidates after the Watergate
scandal of the early 1970s.

What alarms the Democrats is that, according to the Centre for
Responsive Politics, the two parties raised roughly equal
amounts of soft money in 2000 but the Republicans got $466m
(£326m) in hard money and the Democrats only $275m.

Under the new rules, individuals will be able to give $2,000
(£1,400) to a candidate, rather than $1,000.

Not many altruistic Americans actually want to give this kind of
money to a politician.

As Ellen Miller of the magazine American Prospect pointed out:
"Most of this money comes in large bundles from the
'economically interested': executives and business associates
who've been arm-twisted into supporting a corporation's electoral
favourite. Under the new legislation, these bundles will only grow
larger."

The vote was a triumph, above all, for Senator John McCain, who
made the issue the centrepiece of his spirited but unsuccessful
contest against Mr Bush for the Republican presidential
nomination two years ago.

The biggest loser is another Republican senator, Mitch
McConnell, who has fought reform for years, promising that such
a bill was "not going to pass, ever".

The president, sensing the way the wind was blowing, moved
steadily towards the "yes, but" camp.

He issued a statement saying: "I support commonsense reforms
to end abuses in our campaign finance system. The reforms
passed today, while flawed in some areas, still improve the
current system overall."

The final impetus for change came from the Enron scandal,
which made it harder for politicians to oppose the bill without
seeming tainted.

Enron's profligate donations to candidates were merely an
extreme manifestation of the cash-influence nexus at the heart
of American politics.

Both sides are deeply enmeshed in it, although the Republicans
have not yet been caught in anything quite so brazen as
President Clinton's habit of inviting big donors to stay in the
Lincoln Bedroom of the White House.

The new rules - due to take effect after the midterm elections in
November - are complex, and there are powerful arguments that,
as so often when politics and money are intertwined, there will
be unintended consequences.

It is also suspected that the system will favour the Republicans,
who have more rich individuals on their side, rather than the
Democrats, who were its main supporters.

The first big beneficiary may well be President Bush, when he
seeks re-election in 2004, which is one reason why he has
dropped his opposition.

The skirmishing over the passage of the bill is likely to continue
for some time. Mr McConnell will take his campaign to the
courts, focusing in particular on the attack on "issue ads", which
will now be heavily restricted two months before an election.

These have often been used by corporations, unions and interest
groups as a back-door way of influencing votes without
mentioning a candidate's name. Opponents argue - not wholly
implausibly - that the ban violates the constitutional protection of
free speech.

guardian.co.uk