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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: JohnM who wrote (22066)3/23/2002 6:41:19 PM
From: Nadine Carroll  Respond to of 281500
 
Just as the Times starts to recognize the reality of the Arafat-Iran connection, it continues to play its pipe dream of Arab moderation:

Arab States Eye a Way Forward
By NEIL MacFARQUHAR

CAIRO
In the turbulent bazaar of Middle East peace negotiations, the Palestinians never had much to barter.

They boasted little credible military force, no land and fickle friends — the Arab nations next door — who tended to offer flowery lip service at most. But there was one thing the Israelis sought through the Palestinians: acceptance. Once their hostility eased, the Israelis sensed, the rest of the neighborhood would come along.

That is the essence of the Saudi initiative that Crown Prince Abdullah is expected to unveil to his fellow Arab leaders at their summit meeting this week in Beirut: If Israel ends its conflict with the Palestinians, the Arab world will reciprocate by accepting Israel. In other words, there can be normal relations — not necessarily warm, but without the threat to drive the Israelis into the sea. That is what Israelis have said they have sought most since the state was founded in 1948.

But what exactly is propelling this new Arab suggestion about ending the conflict?

nytimes.com

Can you say, a distraction and a change of subject? For fifty years, they scuttled every plan, said no to everything, now when Cheney is talking about Iraq, suddenly all they can talk about is peace between Israel and Palestine. A wee bit more skepticism is in order.

Besides, if Debka's right, there may not be any meeting. If Mubarak, King Abdullah and Arafat stay away, who is Prince Abdullah going to talk to?



To: JohnM who wrote (22066)3/24/2002 5:52:12 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 281500
 
I thought I would post David Warrens latest column. A little "OT" but I really liked it. I "bolded" a couple of points that I really liked.

SUNDAY SPECTATOR
March 24, 2002

Let my people go

Baroness Thatcher was taken ill this past week, and I've been asked to write her obituary as a precaution. (This isn't it.) I happily agree to most such assignments, for when I write an advance obituary, the subject invariably survives; lives so many years that my essay is eventually lost in the files. I attribute the longevity of Ronald Reagan, the Pope, and the Queen Mother, to the obituaries I wrote of them back in the 'nineties. On the other hand, I now deeply regret having written an obituary of Osama bin Laden.

But Margaret Thatcher, as she then was, prime minister of Britain 1979-90, was also in the news for a happier reason. Her new book, Statecraft, has come out, which I've been following from excerpts in the London Times. It's purpose is best described in her own clear words: "I wanted to write one more book -- and I wanted it to be about the future. In this age of spin doctors and sound bites, the ever-present danger is that leaders will follow fashion and not their instincts and beliefs. That was not how the West won the Cold War, nor how we created the basis for today's freedom and prosperity. If we wish to make our achievements secure for our children and grandchildren, the West must stay vigilant and strong. In this book it will be my purpose to show how that can -- and must -- be done."

I love the "must". Her general advice to politicians was encapsulated in a superb line: "What great cause would have been fought and won under the banner 'I stand for consensus'?"

She is among the few politicians I have met, who did not strike me as craven and spineless (though some, like our present prime minister, also exude the qualities of the small town hoodlum). Even at that, her history in office was one of routine compromise. And yet she came to power in a country mired in socialist dysfunction, and turned it around. She almosty single-handedly inspired the attitude change that made Britain again a dynamic, successful, free-market powerhouse, while setting an example copied all over the world.

Her remarks in Statecraft contribute to a widening debate within Britain on the country's future within the European Union. The British Conservatives today have no stomach for the issue; the governing Labour Party considers it a fait accompli. It is Thatcherite to put the big issue on the table, rather than skirting it with recriminations about matters of no significance at all.

What Lady Thatcher is saying, is that the federated Europe now emerging is something Britain needs to escape, before all the ancient institutions of British freedom have been assimilated, and there is no way out. That it is time for Britain to realign its fortunes with the democratic capitalism of America, and pull itself free of the deepening European bog. That Europe is to trade with, not be owned by.

The little men -- and few today have come to stand shorter than Neil Kinnock and the whining Chris Patten, Britain's European commissioners -- have already responded to her argument with disdain. Mr. Kinnock, among the more droning products of doctrinaire Labour from the party's grim industrial past, forgettably called Lady Thatcher a "pub bore". This is the calibre of argument that supports the cancerous growth of the new European bureaucracy.

For Britain, with all the other members, is being sucked deeper and deeper into the bowels of that unelected and unchallengeable bureaucracy, with its chambers for standardizing and regulating and homogenizing the smallest details of everyday life, gradually digesting and dissolving all inherited freedoms in its powerful gastric juices, to produce the one uniformly unpleasant product, and the corruption spreading everywhere. Vast monetary, agricultural, fisheries, and other schemes have been amassed into the largest, most cumbersome political leviathan in the history of our planet, ratcheting ever forward.

But as Lady Thatcher has pointed out, this is not the worst of it. Europe is increasingly held hostage to the dreams of power and glory of the Eurocrats from its old fascist core: Germany, France, Italy, Spain. What they have come to envision is a new superpower as a rival to the United States, and they openly fantasize about a huge, integrated military force that would be "outside NATO". Fortunately, they seem unprepared to pay for it, and so, by indecision, continue their free ride under the American canopy. ("They're a weak lot some of them in Europe you know," as Mrs. Thatcher once said on a similar occasion. "Weak, feeble.")

She is among the few able to see the thing large. (She is paradoxically accused of being parochial, of being a "Little Englander", when she is the opposite.) Her opponents are obliged to do all their thinking "inside the whale", because they have come to accept the monster they are creating as something inevitable.

Moreover, she grasps two things lost on others: that Britain, after centuries of democracy and laissez-faire, does not share culturally in the dark, control-freak obsessions of "Mitteleuropa"; and that neither do the Slavic countries (though for other reasons) now being pulled into the EU from the continent's east side. For there is another, much broader, Europe, with great variety of economy and culture. And, even within the Mitteleuropean core, there are also "liberal" or freedom-loving traditions, albeit most of the exponents have always been outside the mainstream parties of both left and right.

Britain belonged in the defunct European Free Trade Association, set up from the beginning as an alternative to the intrusive Common Market. It belongs today in an expanded NAFTA -- a North Atlantic Free Trade Area that could admit smaller countries around the edges of Europe, if they sought to escape the iron embrace of the EU imperium.

Nothing will be accomplished, immediately, by Mrs. Thatcher's new book, because her old Tory colleagues haven't the courage to face down the European juggernaut. But she is helping to make an opening for the truth, and for candid discussion.

The political situation in Britain is strangely parallel to our own. For as an Ottawa friend observed, "The Brits vis-a-vis Europe are now like the Canadians have been vis-a-vis the United States. Schizophrenic. Except the English fear they will lose their freedom to bureaucrats, whereas the Canadians fear the loss of their regulated bureaucratic society."