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To: Mephisto who wrote (3551)4/10/2002 1:27:00 PM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 15516
 
Life Under Siege
The New York Times
Editorial
April 10, 2002

By ALLEGRA PACHECO

BETHLEHEM, West Bank -
Last Thursday night Jihad
Abu Ajour, a young woman living
down the road from me, gave
birth to her first child in her
home in Dheisheh refugee camp
in Bethlehem. The Israeli Army
was refusing to allow ambulances
to approach the camp.
Ms. Abu
Ajour's baby was not breathing properly. Hours later an
ambulance finally came to take the baby to the hospital,
where he died soon after. Later, under the night curfew
and the threat of snipers, the two grandfathers and the
father sneaked out of the camp to the nearby cemetery to
bury the baby.

In its quest to stop suicide bombings in Israel, the Israeli
Army invaded Bethlehem last week and has placed the
entire civilian population under siege. The people here are
running short of water, food and milk for the young.
Those lucky enough to have stored food before the
invasion now sit in crowded rooms far away from windows
exposed to gunfire. Those without food wait in desperation
for the Red Cross to reach them with supplies. Armored
personnel carriers and soldiers patrol the streets, and
shots are fired in all directions. A safe corner in the house
today can be a deathbed tomorrow.

On Monday, the Israeli Army lifted the curfew for a few
hours, but that didn't help much. The main market and
neighborhood stores were almost empty. Because the city
has been totally sealed off, no new food has replenished
the market shelves. Still, it was good to go outside briefly,
after nearly a week when no one dared to step outside for
fear of being shot by an Israeli sniper. The sick, though,
stay sick in their homes.

The sound of gun and tank fire still echoes around the
hills while Israeli soldiers move from neighborhood to
neighborhood entering homes, detaining the men and
leaving the women, elderly and children abandoned.

Hundreds of male residents of Bethlehem have been
taken away in the last few days. They, along with more
than 1,000 other Palestinian men, are being held in
detention in an Israeli Army base outside Ramallah. Last
week, B'Tselem and other Israeli human rights
organizations appealed to Israel's Supreme Court to
cancel the military order prohibiting lawyers from visiting
the detainees for 18 days after the arrests. On Sunday the
court rejected the petition and upheld the
incommunicado detention.

The laws of war, as codified in the Fourth Geneva
Convention, severely restrict armies from involving civilian
populations in military actions. The dignity of each and
every person much be respected at all times; the wounded
and sick must be cared for. Yet each additional day of this
invasion increases the attack on the civilian population.

As an Israeli human rights lawyer representing
Palestinians in the West Bank, I am witnessing another
stage of the human rights violations that the Israeli
occupation has caused.

Though selectively applied by many countries, and
disregarded by others, human rights are still recognized
universally as the common standard and fundamental
ingredient for peace and stability in the world. The
ideology of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
adopted after World War II, rests on the principle that
every individual has a claim to autonomy, dignity and
justice. The situation in the occupied territories today
defies the meaning of that declaration. When the Israeli
Army raided Dheisheh and other impoverished refugee
camps last month, it killed and wounded civilians,
destroyed buildings and homes and cut off water supply
for thousands. The army rounded up hundreds of male
residents, though many of the men were eventually
released because there was no evidence they were
involved in terrorism.

Yet within days, Palestinian suicide bombers, including
an 18-year-old woman from the Dheisheh camp, killed
dozens of Israeli civilians in attacks. When he was elected,
Prime Minister Ariel Sharon promised peace and security
within 100 days. Now, 400 days later, Mr. Sharon has
declared that Israel is at war. He has assured the Israeli
people, frightened to walk on their own streets, that the
way to stop suicide bombers is to invade Palestinian
territory and imprison hundreds of thousands of
Palestinians in their homes. But the number of attacks in
the last month shows a military response does not always
stop the desperate.

In every peace agreement negotiated during the Oslo
process, human rights were inserted as an afterthought, a
politely worded aspiration with no teeth and no
enforcement. The 1995 interim Oslo agreement devoted
64 pages to security and only a few lines to human rights
and the rule of law. In fact, the Palestinian police forces,
created by the Oslo agreement, have committed their own
human rights abuses against the Palestinian people. Had
human rights been the centerpiece of the peace accord
and the construction of Palestine, the situation might be
vastly different today.

Eleanor Roosevelt, one of the drafters of the human rights
declaration, said that human rights begin in the world of
the individual person - his or her neighborhood, home,
school, factory or farm or the office where he or she works.
"Such are the places where every man, woman, and child
seeks equal justice, equal opportunity, equal dignity
without discrimination," she wrote. "Unless these rights
have meaning there, they have little meaning anywhere."
Without a genuine embrace of human rights in the
occupied territories, there is no reason to hope for a stable
peace.


Allegra Pacheco is an Israeli lawyer who represents
Palestinians in the West Bank.

nytimes.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (3551)4/11/2002 3:15:44 PM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
On the barbed wire fence: At a fork in the road between Sharon and Arafat, Bush chose the fork

Tribune Media Services

Jesse Jackson

04.10.02

There is no peace in Bethlehem, or in Jerusalem.
The cycle of violence is accelerating. President
Bush must act -- and act with resolution -- to
break the cycle, and bring the parties back to the
negotiating table. He took the first step by sending
Secretary of State Colin Powell to the region. Now
he must back up the secretary with his personal
intervention -- and not let up.

Why the president? Because, at this point, he is
the only person with the power and influence to
call both Ariel Sharon and Yasser Arafat and insist
that they negotiate. Why the president? Because
our country has vital interests in the area -- lasting
alliance with Israel, close relations with Saudi
Arabia, economic interests that are apparent. Why
the president?
Because the United States is
already inextricably engaged. Israel fights with our
weapons and our aid and our permission. When
Israeli forces attack and isolate Arafat, the world
assumes that the United States stands with that
action. Why the president?
Because the failure to
act was destroying the post-Sept. 11 global
alliance and isolating the United States from our
closest allies. We were losing moral authority and
credibility while the administration sat on the
sideline.

The crisis forces the administration to choose, to
resolve the furious and paralyzing internal disputes,
and to act. Last week, the United States voted
with the rest of the world in the Security Council
for a resolution urging Israel to withdraw from the
Palestinian territories. The very next day, the
president said he understood Sharon's policy,
criticized Arafat, and spread the blame to Syria and
Iraq (without any evidence, he admitted). The
United States came to a fork in the road between
the Sharon Plan and the United Nations plan, and it
chose the fork.


This incoherence can be amusing in areas that are
not in crisis. But in the midst of a spreading war,
with vital interests at stake, it is dangerously
irresponsible. The United States must speak with
one voice and have a clear policy now more than
ever.
It is not enough to dispatch Secretary Powell
to the region. The president must insist that the
holy warriors in the Pentagon support this effort to
end the violence. This administration, which has
been ruthlessly disciplined about its domestic
message, must learn to speak with one voice in this
crisis as well.

And the president must ensure that the United
States is a clear and forceful advocate for talking
this out, not fighting it out. The Israeli fury at
terror bombings is well justified. The Palestinian
fury at occupation is also understandable. But
Israel will find no security through violence; and
Palestinians will gain no relief from occupation
through violence.

The incoherence of the Israeli and U.S. position
was apparent every time the administration urged
Arafat to shut down the terror bombings. Giving
orders to a man trapped in a room, lit by
candlelight, talking on a cell phone makes us look
worse than foolish.
Sharon can't destroy Arafat's
police and security forces and then complain that
those same forces aren't stopping the bombers.
The more Sharon humiliates Arafat, the more he
exalts him. The more Israelis kill or arrest the
Palestinian security forces, the more they must
either stay forever enforcing a repressive
occupation or leave behind a chaos that can only
give greater license to terror.

Sharon and Arafat are caught in a death grip and
neither can turn the other loose. It requires an
honest and powerful broker to pry them loose. The
United States is the only power that can do that.

Only days ago, the united Arab nations tried to
broker a peace. They offered Israel land for peace,
a guarantee that they would recognize Israel after
withdrawal from the occupied territories. The offer
was lost beneath the ramble of tanks and the
explosion of bombs.

Today, in Palestine, young people -- the religious
and the secular, the conservative and the Marxist
-- are planning their funerals, not their futures.
Sharon's plan to kill those who seek to be killed
offers no answer. The only answer is to revive
hope. That can only come from negotiation. At the
end of the day, Israel can only find its security
when Palestinians find their freedom -- and vice
versa.

Many in the administration seem to feel that we
should let the two sides kill each other for a while
and then, when they are sufficiently bloodied, step
in to create the cease-fire. But we cannot treat
this as a cockfight, taking bets on the survivor.
Humans are being killed. Hatred is deepening.
Instability is spreading. Violence will spread. The
United States will not be immune.

Now the president has finally acted. Let us hope it
is not too late. Secretary Powell should carry a
clear message from the president. Israel must
remove its troops from the Palestinian territories.
Arafat must make every effort to stop the terror
bombings. The adversaries in the Middle East
should talk. And the adversaries inside the
administration should stop talking. Secretary
Powell's intervention can work only if the
administration, from the president on down,
pursues one policy that fosters peace, rather than
justifying greater violence.

workingforchange.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (3551)4/11/2002 3:23:05 PM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
Bush Fiddled While Mideast Burned
The Los Angeles Times
April 2, 2002

Robert Scheer:

There is enough blame to go around for the events
that have turned the Camp David promise of peace
into the killing fields of the Mideast without dragging
in President Bush. To ignore the arrogant failure of
this administration, however, is to deny the obvious:
From its first day in power, it showed no interest in
securing peace between Israel and the Palestinians,
quickly squandering years of difficult progress made
under President Clinton.


Now, with outright war already a reality, Bush is
tacitly endorsing Israeli Prime Minister Ariel
Sharon's eye-for-an-eye descent into madness
because it is a response to Palestinian terrorist
attacks.


Despite the kudos the media have heaped on our
wartime president, it was only after Sept. 11 that
Bush grasped that terrorism is an international
reality that deeply affects the United States'
security. Even then, he has sought to pound the
problem away in the mountains of Afghanistan and
through saber-rattling against an alleged "axis of
evil,"
ignoring its source in the intractable politics
and passions of the Arab-Israeli wars. For the U.S.
to have pretended, even for a year, that these wars
are a regional problem was ludicrous. We have
dominated Mideast politics for decades, intervening overtly and covertly,
subsidizing whole economies, pouring in armaments like gasoline onto a fire. In
the end it was the responsibility of an incoming U.S. president to continue the
commitment of his predecessor to the peace process, rather than striking a
pose of total indifference.


Of course, if Arafat had possessed the courage to grasp the considerable
concessions of Sharon's predecessor, peace--and not this nightmare--might
well be at hand. And if the Israeli electorate had rejected the candidacy of the
man responsible for Israel's failed invasion of Lebanon and brutal massacre of
Palestinian refugees, prospects for compromise would at least still exist.


In the end, it is the people who endure the immediate suffering on both sides
who will have to find an alternative to agonizing death of biblical proportions.

However, the history of their conflict is so twisted and the passions so
deranged that peace cannot come without outside intervention, primarily from
the U.S. That was the principle accepted at the beginning of the peace process
in Oslo, the principle underscored by the Camp David accords and the
principle revived in the recent Saudi peace proposal just endorsed by
representatives of the entire Arab world.

Bush said he embraced the Saudi proposal but then just as quickly gave
Sharon the green light to jettison it because Palestinians are practicing terrorism
against Israeli civilians. While it plays well on television, abhorrence of terrorism
does not and cannot define the range of culpability and possibility in the region.
Terror is a tactic used by those who do not possess planes and tanks and
trained infantry. Yet Bush, in his statements, is fixated on the notion that the use
of terror is the only issue in the Mideast.


It is not, of course. The crux, as any eighth-grader should know, is that two
peoples claim the same land. And if they cannot find a sturdy compromise, the
outward ripples from their rage and hate darkly threaten the rest of us, as was
so painfully discovered in September.

There is no military solution in the offing, nor has there ever been. I clearly
remember Israel's optimism 35 years ago after its resounding victory in a
six-day war, as expressed in my interview with Moshe Dayan.


A warrior-hero, Dayan spoke earnestly of bringing indoor plumbing and clean
water supplies to the horrid Palestinian refugee camps neglected by the
Egyptians in Gaza, as if that would be enough to usher in a new era of peace. It
wasn't; Israel has tried at times to be a model occupier, but no people in
modern times will ever for long submit to the indignity of occupation.

Palestinian statehood, as called for in the Saudi plan and tentatively endorsed
by the Bush administration, is the only way forward. The Jewish settlements
must be ended, and the U.S., the Europeans and the Arab nations must commit
to Israel's secure borders, as they existed before the Six-Day War.


The forging of such a peace is the only anti-terrorism campaign that has a
serious chance of success.
latimes.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (3551)4/11/2002 3:27:36 PM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
The brilliant offer Israel never made: To get peace talks started again means confronting a few myths

David Clark
Wednesday April 10, 2002
The Guardian

Yesterday's carnage in the West Bank provided a bloody
illustration of the limits of Ariel Sharon's military strategy. Armed
force cannot provide his people with the security they crave
because the terrorist infrastructure he has set out to destroy
consists of little more than the willingness of ordinary
Palestinians to kill themselves while taking as many Israelis
with them as possible. This week, the hatred on which it is built
burns deeper than ever. In the absence of a meaningful peace
process, further atrocities are inevitable, and when they happen,
the consequences may be far worse than anything we have so
far seen.

Israeli leaders are trapped in a mindset in which further military
escalation appears to be their only option. Yet it is difficult to
see how much further they can go without triggering a wider
regional conflagration that might threaten the state of Israel
itself. The "ethnic cleansing" of Palestinians from large tracts of
the occupied territories? The murder of Arafat? The
consequences are unthinkable. Left to his own devices, Ariel
Sharon may yet turn out to be the ultimate suicide bomber.


Into the maelstrom steps Colin Powell on a mission that could
represent the best hope of avoiding such a catastrophe. His task
is clear: to secure a ceasefire and persuade both parties to
return to the negotiating table. To succeed, however, he will
need to do more than indulge in hand-wringing. He will need to
come armed with some harsh truths and some even harsher
consequences.

With Israel, it will be necessary to challenge some deeply held
illusions about the peace process and why it broke down. Chief
among these is the assertion that the Palestinians rejected a
"generous" Israeli offer at Camp David two years ago
. It is a view
that spans the Israeli political spectrum, uniting the hard right
with born-again rejectionists like Ehud Barak, confirming all in
their belief that political dialogue has been exhausted and that
Arafat is an inveterate terrorist. It is time for some constructive
revisionism.

Barak's proposal for a Palestinian state based on 91% of the
West Bank sounded substantive, but even the most cursory
glance at the map revealed the bad faith inherent in it. It showed
the West Bank carved into three chunks, surrounded by Israeli
troops and settlers, without direct access to its own
international borders.

The land-swap that was supposed to compensate the
Palestinians for the loss of prime agricultural land in the West
Bank merely added insult to injury. The only territory offered to
Palestinian negotiators consisted of stretches of desert adjacent
to the Gaza Strip that Israel currently uses for toxic waste
dumping. The proposals on East Jerusalem were no better,
permitting the Palestinians control of a few scattered fragments
of what had been theirs before 1967.

Barak offered the trappings of Palestinian sovereignty while
perpetuating the subjugation of the Palestinians. It is not difficult
to see why they felt unable to accept. The only surprise is how
widely the myth of the "generous offer" is now accepted.


For this, Bill Clinton must accept responsibility. With the end of
his presidency in sight, Clinton saw time running out along with
the hope that he might be remembered in history for something
more dignified than blow jobs in the Oval Office. He needed a
quick deal rather than a just deal and chose to attempt to
bounce Arafat into accepting Israel's terms. When this failed,
Clinton vented his wrath at the Palestinian leader.

Maladroit diplomacy played its part, but the failure at Camp
David was the product of a deeper problem for which the
Palestinians must also accept their share of blame. With the
benefit of hindsight, the 1993 Oslo agreement that embodied the
land-for-peace compromise was a mirage. Although both sides
signed up to a two-state solution, neither was completely
sincere in accepting its implications. The Palestinians clung to
maximalist demands on refugee returns in the hope that
demographics would allow them to rewrite the past. The Israelis
insisted on territorial demands that made a mockery of the idea
of a viable Palestinian state.

It is here that the Saudi peace initiative has come to play such a
critical role in getting the peace process back on track. In
calling for Israel's withdrawal from all of the occupied territories
and holding out the prospect of a compromise on the refugees
that would meet Israeli concerns, it forces both sides finally to
come to terms with each other's existence.


Tony Blair's call for the Saudi plan to be enshrined in a new UN
resolution is a tacit acceptance that Camp David was a botched
job. Progress will now depend on Colin Powell's willingness to
spell that out to Sharon and Arafat this week.

· David Clark was a special adviser at the Foreign Office until
May 2001.
dkclark@aol.com

guardian.co.uk



To: Mephisto who wrote (3551)4/11/2002 3:33:26 PM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 


U.S. Jews Cannot Acquiesce to Sharon's Monstrous Behavior

The Los Angeles Times
April 9, 2002

Robert Scheer:

Both Israel's prime minister and Yasser Arafat are killers of the innocent.

What does it mean to be Jewish? Is it belief in a set
of religious values, identity with a much-splintered
ethnic tribe or automatic membership among God's
chosen people as certified by the lineage of one's
mother?

For many, being Jewish carries with it the lessons of
universal tolerance and compassion, while for
others it is a "never again" pride in the military
power of a David turned modern-day Goliath.

This latter allusion to the Holocaust, a horror that
occurred in the center of modern European
civilization and had little to do with the Arabs,
nonetheless provides the enduring rationale for
Israeli brutality in the name of self-defense. What
irony that many Jews now comfortably vacation in
Germany but insist that Arab anti-Semitism is an
immutable aspect of Muslim culture that can be met
only with the crushing power of tanks. Not that
anyone asked me, but those are not my tanks
careening around the West Bank bringing fear and
havoc in their wake. Yet they are marked as Jewish
tanks and consequently they and I bear some
familial resemblance on my mother's side. I am thus
obligated to consider what cruelty is being done in
the name of defending my people.


Some of us make a deliberate effort to disassociate from the mayhem of Ariel
Sharon's carnage, while others seem to wallow in it, as if displaying the
awesome firepower of the Israeli army is necessary to the survival of the Jewish
state. I would like to think that the peacemakers still outnumber the militarists
among U.S. Jews, but my own e-mail and street-corner conversations no
longer bear out that hope.

While Jews are hardly monolithic, even in their views of Israel, their large
presence in the media contrasts sharply with a near total exclusion of
Palestinian Americans.

Palestinian Americans in particular, and Arabs in general, are the ghosts
haunting U.S. newsrooms by their embarrassing absence. As journalists, we do
not know them as a people, we have little connection with their slights and
sorrows, and we can only, even with the best of intentions, experience their
suffering as an abstraction.


While the family tales of Jewish oppression during the pogroms of czars, the
Holocaust and Soviet anti-Semitism have been merged into the dominant
American culture, horrific tales of Arab suffering are systematically ignored.
But, as when blacks and Latinos were absent from newsrooms and nightly
death in the ghetto was not thought to be news, it is difficult to escape the
notion that many in the media, Jews and non-Jews alike, lean to the view that
Arab life is cheap.

Despite all the attention accorded affirmative action by news organizations on
the grounds that diversity is necessary to better news reporting, the exclusion of
Arabs has been ignored. It is not appropriate, particularly given the past
decades in which Arab-Israeli strife has never left the news and has frequently
been a front-page headline--a story covered far differently by the European
media, where Arab voices are much more integrated.

One can recognize this enormous imbalance without endorsing the anti-Semitic
slanders of the late Richard M. Nixon and the Rev. Billy Graham, who asserted
in tapes made 30 years ago, which were recently released, that Jews control
the media. They don't own the media. Nor do Jewish journalists toe a common
Israeli party line. Indeed, they are less inclined to apologize for Israel than
Graham, who has lined up consistently behind Israeli militarism as somehow
godly.

For Nixon there were good Jews, such as his speech writer WILLIAM SAFIRE,
who was hawkish back then and whose current columns in the New York
Times provide the most reliable outlet for Sharon's propaganda.


Sharon himself is a man of barbaric impulse, demonstrated all too clearly in his
terrorizing of civilians two decades ago in Lebanon and now on the West
Bank. He has been a consistent provocateur, undermining peace efforts no
matter their content, and now he is using his tanks to poison the ground for
future generations.

Yes, Yasser Arafat also has poisoned the ground under his feet and shares
responsibility with Sharon for the breakdown of the peace process. But until
recently, Arafat has been unrelentingly reviled by the news media while Sharon,
no less monstrous in his behavior, hardly has been criticized.


Both are killers of the innocent. Both are to be roundly condemned by all, and
the failure of prominent moderate Arabs to do their part to restrain Arafat is all
too obvious. No less a moral offense is the acquiescence of too many Jews, in
Israel and abroad, to the comparable crimes of Sharon.

latimes.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (3551)4/12/2002 2:12:45 AM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
Protests continue around the world

Thursday April 11, 2002
The Guardian

United States 79 pro-Palestinian protesters, mainly students,
arrested during a demonstration by 1,000 supporters from both
sides at the University of California, Berkeley.


Egypt Cultural centre run by the US embassy closed in
Alexandria after clashes during an 8,000-strong demonstration
left a student dead and about 100 hurt. Altogether, 24,000
people protested at universities across the country.

Saudi Arabia Despite a ban on public protests, thousands of
Saudis vented anger at impromptu rallies under police
supervision.

Bahrain Scores of protesters were injured in clashes with police
as hundreds of students attempted to march on the US
embassy.

Lebanon 5,000 Lebanese and Palestinian women
demonstrated near the US embassy in Beirut. Protest was led
by Leila Khaled, a 57-year-old Palestinian woman who hijacked
two planes in 1969 and 1970 to highlight the plight of her people.

Syria Hundreds of Syrian and Palestinian women protested in
Damascus.

Jordan At least 410 protests, many of them violent, have
erupted across the country in the past 11 days. Protesters
vandalised shops, traffic lights, public phone booths, banks,
police stations and destroyed or set alight at least 225 vehicles,
the government said.

Greece Several thousand demonstrators attended an open-air
concert in Athens to condemn Israeli military attacks.

France An unknown attacker hurled a petrol bomb at a
synagogue in Garges-les-Gonesse, 10 km (six miles) northeast
of Paris. No one was hurt.

guardian.co.uk



To: Mephisto who wrote (3551)4/14/2002 3:17:39 AM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 15516
 
America must see that Sharon is the problem

The Middle East conflict cannot be resolved while the
Israelis are led by a man who sees military force as the
only instrument of policy.

Observer Worldview

Avi Shlaim
Sunday April 14, 2002
The Observer

When running for Prime Minister in February of last year, Ariel
Sharon, Israel's ferocious hawk, tried to reinvent himself as a
man of peace.
Against the background of the al-Aqsa intifada,
which he had helped to trigger by his provocative visit to Haram
al-Sharif (Temple Mount), he ran on a ticket of peace with
security. In his first year in power, Sharon has achieved neither
peace nor security but only a steady escalation of the violence.
In the last two weeks Sharon has revealed himself once again
as a man wedded to military force as the only instrument of
policy.


The 74 year-old Israeli leader has been at the sharp end of
confrontation with the Arabs for most of his life. The hallmarks of
his career are mendacity, the most savage brutality towards
Arab civilians, and a persistent preference for force over
diplomacy to solve political problems. These features found their
clearest expression in the invasion of Lebanon in 1982 which
Sharon masterminded as defence minister in Menachem Begin's
Likud government.


The war that Sharon is currently waging on the West Bank,
fraudulently named 'Operation Defensive Shield', is in some
ways a replay of his war in Lebanon. It is directed against the
Palestinian people; it stems from the same stereotypes that the
Palestinians are terrorists; it is based on the same denial of
Palestinian national rights; it employs the same strategy of
savage and overwhelming military force; and it displays the
same callous disregard for international opinion, international
law, the UN, and the norms of civilised behaviour. Even the
principal personalities are the same: today, as in 1982, Ariel
Sharon confronts Yasser Arafat.

The invasion of Lebanon was not a defensive war but a war of
deception. Sharon obtained cabinet approval for a limited military
operation against the PLO forces in southern Lebanon. From the
beginning, however, he planned a much bigger operation to serve
broader geostrategic aims. The principal objective of Sharon's
war was to destroy the PLO as a military and political
organisation, to break the backbone of Palestinian nationalism,
to spread despair and despondency among the inhabitants of
the West Bank, and to pave the way to its absorption into
Greater Israel. A second objective was to give Israel's Maronite
allies a leg-up to power, and then compel them to sign a peace
treaty with Israel. A third objective was to expel the Syrian army
from Lebanon and to make Israel the dominant power in the
Levant.

Under Sharon's devious direction, an operation that was
supposedly undertaken in self-defence developed into a
merciless siege of Beirut and culminated in a horrendous
massacre in the Palestinian refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila
which led to the REMOVAL OF SHARON from the ministry of defence.


In his crude but relentless propaganda war, Sharon tries to
portray Arafat as the master terrorist who orchestrates the
violence against Israel and secretly encourages suicide
bombings by Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and the Al-Aqsa Martyrs
Brigade. To be sure, Arafat is not above using violence. Nor has
he done as much as he could to curb the activities of the Islamic
militants. Yet Arafat is the leader who persuaded his movement
to abandon armed struggle and adopt the political path in the
struggle for independence. By signing the Oslo Accord in 1993,
and clinching it with a hesitant handshake, he and Yitzhak
Rabin undertook to resolve the outstanding differences between
their two nations by peaceful means. Until the assassination of
Rabin two years later, Arafat proved himself an effective partner
on the road to peace. The subsequent decline of the Oslo peace
process was caused more by Israeli territorial expansionism
than by Palestinian terrorism. Israeli settlements on the West
Bank, which Sharon's government continues to expand, are the
root of the problem.

Ever the opportunist, Sharon was quick to jump on the
bandwagon of America's 'war against terror' in the aftermath of
11 September. Under this banner, Sharon has embarked on a
sinister attempt to destroy the infrastructure of a future
Palestinian state. His real agenda is to subvert what remains of
the Oslo accords, to smash the Palestinians into the ground,
and to extinguish hope for independence and statehood. To add
insult to injury, he wants to remove Yasser Arafat, the
democratically elected leader and symbol of the Palestinian
revolution, and to replace him with a collaborationist regime
which would serve as a sub-contractor charged with upholding
Israeli security.

What Sharon is unable or unwilling to comprehend is that
security cannot be achieved by purely military means. The only
hope of security for both communities lies in a return to the
political track, something that the champion of violent solutions
has always avoided. Consequently, Sharon's second war, like
his first, is doomed to failure. If the history of this conflict
teaches anything, it is that violence breeds more violence.

Many people who do not necessarily support Sharon's brutal
methods nevertheless have sympathy for Israel's predicament.
They point out that the suicide bombs against innocent Israeli
civilians pre-dated the incursion of Israeli tanks into West Bank
towns and villages. Israel's illegal occupation of the West Bank
and Gaza, however, goes back to 1967 and constitutes the
underlying cause of Palestinian frustration, hatred, and despair
of which the suicide bombs are only the cruelest manifestation.
They say that Hamas and Islamic Jihad deny altogether Israel's
right to exist. These are, however, the extremist fringes. The
savage treatment meted out by Sharon to the Palestinians is
self-defeating precisely because it undermines moderates and
strengthens extremists.

One of the most disturbing aspects of the current crisis is
America's complicity in the Israeli onslaught. One might have
expected George Bush Jr. to resume the even-handed policy of
his father towards Arabs and Israelis. Instead, he has reverted to
a blatantly pro-Israeli policy reminiscent of the Reagan years.
Although America is a signatory to the Oslo Accord, Bush has
abandoned the Palestinian side.


Sharon is holding Arafat hostage in his headquarters in
Ramallah, depriving him of food, water, medicines and telephone
lines. The only concession that the American President has
managed to extract from the truculent Israeli Prime Minister is a
promise not to kill the Palestinian leader. The Israelis have
destroyed much of Arafat's police force and security services,
leaving him with a mobile phone. Under these conditions the
embattled Palestinian leader does not have the means to
prevent suicide attacks even if he had the will to do so.


In an apparent reversal of American policy a week ago,
President Bush called on Sharon to pull out his troops from the
Palestinian towns and villages. Sharon insisted they would stay
as long as necessary to accomplish their mission of uprooting
the infrastructure of terror. Secretary of State Colin Powell was
dispatched to the region to broker a ceasefire and restore the
political track. He is unlikely to get far with Sharon unless he
backs up his words with the threat to cut economic and military
aid to Israel. The death toll in 'Operation Defensive Shield' is
more than 200 Palestinians and 60 Israelis. How many more
lives will have to be sacrificed before the Americans understand
that General Sharon is part of the problem, not the solution?

· Avi Shlaim is a professor of International Relations at Oxford
and the author of The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World (2000)


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