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Politics : The Arab-Israeli Solution -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: SouthFloridaGuy who wrote (1259)4/12/2002 7:39:38 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 2279
 
Mr Powell's visit is a test of America's determination to force Israel to compromise

argument.independent.co.uk



To: SouthFloridaGuy who wrote (1259)4/12/2002 7:54:47 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 2279
 
The UN Secretary General Wants To Take Action...
____________________________________________________

International force should be sent into West Bank - Annan
AP
12 April 2002

UN Secretary General Kofi Annan said today that the situation in the Middle East is so serious that the sending of an international force into the occupied territories could not be delayed.

"My own view is that the situation is so dangerous and the humanitarian and human rights situation so appalling that I think the proposition that a force should be sent in there to create a secure environment, as well as provide space for diplomatic and political negotiations, can no longer be deferred," Mr Annan told reporters.

He did not specify what sort of force he thought should be sent to the Middle East.

The Palestinians have pushed several times for UN intervention, possibly peacekeepers or observers, to end 18 months of bloodshed in the Middle East. Israel, suspicious of a perceived UN bias, has said it would only agree to a limited American mission.

Earlier Mr Annan had told the UN Human Rights Commission that the United Nations could not stand back from what is happening in the Middle East.

"One of the lessons of the history of the United Nations is that it cannot afford to be neutral in the face of great moral challenges. We are faced with such a moral challenge today," he said.

"Wanton disregard for human rights and humanitarian law is something we cannot accept. We must let those responsible know that they face the verdict of history."

Asked whether he thought he personally should become involved in mediation between Israelis and Palestinians, he said there should not be too many negotiators working at once.

"There is a mediator. Mr. Powell (U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell) is there at the moment. I am in contact with him and we support his efforts," he said.

The 53–nation Human Rights Commission will vote later today on an Arab–sponsored resolution that accuses Israel of "gross violations of human rights and international humanitarian law.

It lists breaches including a policy of assassinations, collective punishment, shelling of Palestinian districts, incursions into towns and refugee camps and the killing of men, women and children.

The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Mary Robinson, also is waiting for Israeli permission to lead a mission to the area to look into the human rights situation.

So far her mission, which also includes former Spanish Prime Minister Felipe Gonzalez and top South African businessman Cyril Ramaphosa, has received no reply from the Israeli government.



To: SouthFloridaGuy who wrote (1259)4/14/2002 8:25:08 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 2279
 
A Perspective on Israel's Ariel Sharon...

SHARON'S CONTRIBUTION
By William F. Buckley Jr.
Sat Apr 13, 9:01 PM ET

My vote is that Ariel Sharon's offensive is the stupidest campaign in recent memory. Defined here as a campaign that has solved nothing, increased Israel's problems, intensified Palestinian hatred of Israel, estranged many Europeans and Americans, and fanned Islamic hostility. What is General Sharon up to?

What he said was that he was determined to destroy the "infrastructure" of the suicide terrorists.

Well, how do you do that?

We Americans are trying to do that to al-Qaida. This involved a war on the government of Afghanistan (news - web sites), a nation formally identified with terrorists it sheltered, trained and dispatched to do their grisly work. The United States, in effect, declared war on the Taliban government and pursued that war as best it could. Having toppled Kabul, our anti-terrorist forces are now deployed here and there, doing such things as raiding a terrorist nest in Pakistan and hauling in a suspect leader.

Sharon's policy is scorched-earth. Under his command, the Israeli army has engaged not in isolating the infrastructure of the suicide terrorists. What he is engaged in is wanton damage. The New York Times' Serge Schmemann, reporting from Jerusalem, tells it in a dispatch on Thursday with a memorable lead:

"The images are indelible: piles of concrete and twisted metal in the ancient casbah of Nablus, husks of savaged computers littering ministries in Ramallah, rows of storefronts sheared by passing tanks in Tulkarm, broken pipes gushing precious water, flattened cars in fields of shattered glass and garbage, electricity poles snapped like twigs, tilting walls where homes used to stand, gaping holes where rockets pierced office buildings." And he uses Sharon's missionary mandate without apparent irony: "It is safe to say that the infrastructure of life itself and of any future Palestinian state -- roads, schools, electricity pylons, water pipes, telephone lines -- has been devastated."

How's that for retaliation for the Passover massacre?

What Sharon has been doing is to give way to Israeli rage. The rage is hot, deserved and purposive. But to proceed on the assumption that water and electricity lines and schools and hospitals are vital organs of terrorist excursions is untenable except on an understanding that General Sharon hasn't articulated. If you say: The poison that animates the suicide bombers is endemic in every stick and stone that make up the West Bank, then it would follow that a destruction of everything and of everybody standing would follow, as an inoculation would serve to chase down the infection in any part of the diseased body. Sharon hasn't ordered his soldiers to mow down every Palestinian standing, but his artillery and air force haven't been discriminating.

There is no way to be entirely discriminating in a military offensive designed to find something that can't be found, namely the fuse box that causes an 18-year-old Palestinian girl to arm herself with a bomb and detonate it in an Israeli mall. There aren't, sitting about, neat paramilitary kiosks with explosives and rosters of willing terrorists. The search for these was bound to be fruitless, rather like looking for the infrastructure of lechery in Gomorrah.

General Sharon might have sent in a platoon, pulled out Arafat and his 100 lieutenants and executed them on the entirely reasonable grounds that they embodied the terrorist movement in the West Bank. A bullet into the heart of Arafat is not a wayward contribution to the search for the infrastructure of the evil and genocidal war against Israel. So Palestine would be left leaderless? Such a problem would be that of the Palestinians who have tolerated Arafat for so many years.

What has been done is to enhance and even legitimize Palestinian grievances. "After four days of heavy fighting," the Times dispatch goes on, "the Casbah, as the centuries-old warren of shops and homes at the center of this city (Nablus) is known, has been utterly destroyed."

How would we feel in analogous circumstances? What happened to Atlanta in 1864 at the hands of Gen. Sherman was perceived through the lens of a great civil war, a surrender of the losing side, and the heart and mind of a magnanimous national leader who sought to heal the wounds of a nation torn asunder. Such elements aren't there in the Mideast. Sharon has wounded the state of Israel incalculably, causing ache and pain not only to Palestinians, but to his people, and to friends of Israel everywhere.

story.news.yahoo.com



To: SouthFloridaGuy who wrote (1259)4/15/2002 9:21:18 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 2279
 
An editorial from today's Washington Post...

A Brave Voice in Israel
By Jackson Diehl
The Washington Post
Monday, April 15, 2002; Page A21

Israel's "military operation is nearing exhaustion, and in any case its results are already evident," one careful observer said last week. "It has succeeded in landing a considerable blow on the Palestinian terrorist framework, but it cannot uproot terror or eliminate the ground on which it grows. On the contrary, the deeper and longer the operation, the more its inherent contradictions are exposed. The destruction of the Palestinian governing authority and security services . . . also smashes those elements on the Palestinian side that Israel will demand impose control on the residents after the military operation is over."

This clear-eyed analysis came not from Colin Powell or Kofi Annan or one of the Middle East pundits who strike bellicose poses from the safety of Washington, but from Haaretz, an Israeli newspaper. It's published in Hebrew in Tel Aviv, not far from the sites of some of the most terrible suicide bombings, and in English on the Internet (www.haaretzdaily.com). It's pages are black and ugly and dense with tiny type, and its circulation is equally tiny, even by Israeli standards. But it's still, by far, Israel's best and most prestigious newspaper, and at a time when the Israeli-Palestinian conflict looks more tragic and hopeless than it has in a generation, it offers something to admire: tough wartime reporting, and even more courageous commentary.

Media everywhere have a hard time maintaining a healthy independence from government during times of crisis and war -- the United States was no exception in the weeks after Sept. 11 -- but in Israel the pressure is crushing. After all, hundreds of innocent people in a small and almost claustrophobically close society have been slaughtered at random in the past few months by suicide bombers who seem bent on obliterating the nation. Israelis are terrified, besieged, fighting for their lives -- and most of them, seeing Prime Minister Ariel Sharon unleash a military offensive against the West Bank two weeks ago, reacted like the mainstream newspaper Maariv, which banner-headlined a Biblical quotation evoking God's Passover smiting of the Egyptians.

Israel's politicians and even many of its intellectuals haven't been much different. The left-wing Labor Party, which for a decade sponsored the Oslo peace process, can't bring itself to leave the government, even though the military campaign is dedicated to destroying Oslo's achievements. Former "peace camp" spokesmen offer accounts of how they have come to believe in brute force. A Jerusalem rabbi who was once lionized by Western journalists for his progressive views recently offered this suggestion about the Palestinians: "Very simply, wipe them out. Level them."

In the teeth of that climate, Haaretz published an editorial just four days after the beginning of Sharon's offensive entitled simply "The Day After." It began by acknowledging that hardly anyone in Israel could oppose a military response to the suicide bombing of a Passover Seder. But it then added that "the efficacy of the [army's] operations in the territories is debatable." The siege of Yasser Arafat, it correctly predicted, would only strengthen his position, divert attention from his responsibility for the terrorism and bring a cascade of international condemnation of Israel. "Experience -- particularly of Sharon's past behavior -- shows that such actions can deteriorate, go on longer than planned and even spin out of control," it added. This was one week before the battle of Jenin killed scores in a Palestinian refugee camp.

But Haaretz's most fundamental point, insistently repeated in a series of follow-up commentaries, is this: "Military operations cannot exist on their own without being backed, indeed being based, on a political horizon." Sharon's government, it keeps pointing out, has no political plan, other than to destroy the Palestinian Authority. The prime minister's vague talk about "a long term interim agreement," the paper observed last week, does not allow for a viable Palestinian state, nor does it "give any indication of how this interim arrangement would be defined -- neither its framework, nor its principles, nor its timetable." "This melange of outdated ideas," Haaretz concluded, "cannot serve as any practical prescription for advancing out of the current crisis and toward any kind of agreement."

Such arguments are accompanied by tough reporting. During the past two weeks Haaretz has offered vivid accounts of the disorder in the West Bank as well as in Sharon's cabinet. Its reporters have risked their lives to slip into occupied Ramallah, and when they couldn't get in, they called Palestinian sources on the telephone and relayed their accounts. The paper has even been hard on itself and the rest of the press. "In general the Israeli media is showing no interest in what the Palestinian people are experiencing," wrote media critic Aviv Lavie last week. "The day will come when we will all regret this blindness."

It's not easy to publish such stuff when Palestinian bombs are killing children down the street. Haaretz and its writers have been deluged with abuse and threats. Even some who admire its reporting think the paper's editorials are hopelessly softheaded. And yet, right or wrong, Haaretz offers a sign of how and why Israel will get out of this crisis: It is a democracy, and in a vigorous democracy with a real free press, bad policies sooner or later yield to reason. Sharon -- who detests journalists -- recently told one of the few he speaks to that "the media's job is to give the nation pride and hope." In a time of despair, Haaretz is doing just that.

© 2002 The Washington Post Company

washingtonpost.com