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Strategies & Market Trends : MARKET INDEX TECHNICAL ANALYSIS - MITA -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: J.T. who wrote (12362)5/18/2002 4:30:12 PM
From: Square_Dealings  Respond to of 19219
 
Keep an eye on this one imo. Looks ready to breakout.

stockcharts.com[h,a]daclyyay[p][vc60][iLb14!Le12,26,9]&pref=G

M.



To: J.T. who wrote (12362)5/18/2002 6:17:36 PM
From: High-Tech East  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 19219
 
... a couple of interesting articles ...

Monday, May 20, 2002, Barron's
Dollars to Doughnuts
As with so many things, a little drop, but not a big one, would be good for the greenback
By Jacqueline Doherty

After appreciating by nearly a third in the past seven years, the dollar is starting to look a little tired. In just over two months, the greenback has fallen 5% against the euro and 6.7% against the yen. Some economists believe this could be the start of a gradual weakening that may continue over the next year or more. If so, investors may want to rethink their approach to the markets. A falling dollar would help U.S. companies that derive a large portion of their revenues from abroad. And for dollar-based investors, overseas investments may look more attractive.

The key question, however, is whether the currency's decline will be gradual or abrupt. "A little bit of dollar weakness would be a good thing for the world economy. But there's a very fine line, and too much of good thing can be a bad thing," warns Knut Langholm, an emerging-market-debt portfolio manager at State Street Research & Management. A 10%-15% fall over the next year or so would be beneficial, but a drop of, say, 30% could raise the specter of rising U.S. inflation and interest rates, which would be bad news for stocks and the economy.

The dollar has shifted direction for a number of reasons, notably a marked cutback in foreign buying of U.S. stocks and bonds. In January and February, overseas investors bought $26.7 billion of U.S. equity and fixed-income securities, down sharply from nearly $100 billion in the year-earlier period. Their reduced enthusiasm for U.S. assets apparently reflects the punk returns U.S. markets have provided global investors in recent years.

They also may be turned off by a perceived change in U.S. policies. While former Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin would endlessly repeat his mantra in favor a strong buck, his successor, Paul O'Neill, insists the markets set exchange rates and has cast doubt on the worth of intervention. U.S. manufacturers also have been clamoring for a lower greenback to make them more competitive, and have been able to gain tariff protection for steel.


U.S. assets also are looking pricey. Based on what it will buy in goods, the dollar itself is expensive. In addition, European and Asian stocks sell at lower price/earnings multiples than do their U.S. counterparts, making some investors view non-U.S. stocks as less risky. Moreover, the gap between American and European economic growth has narrowed, further reducing the relative allure of U.S. investments. Morgan Stanley forecasts 2.8% real growth in U.S. gross domestic product this year and 1.4% in the Eurozone. Next year the growth gap shrinks substantially, with 3.7% forecast for the U.S. and 3.1% for Europe.

The slowdown in global merger and acquisition activity has been equally marked, with far fewer foreign takeovers of U.S. corporations. Overall, global M&A announcements dropped to $14 billion in April, making it one of the slowest months in the past five years, according to Joseph Quinlan, a senior global economist at Morgan Stanley. In addition, there are also fewer deals involving the purchase of U.S. companies. In the first four months of 2002, the U.S. accounted for only 14% of announced global M&A inflows, versus about 30% last year.

Considering that foreign companies probably have had to write down the value of U.S. acquisitions made before the bubble burst, their lack of appetite for new American deals is understandable. "You used to be a hero for doing mergers. Now, you're a scapegoat," observes Quinlan. Add to that the various accounting scandals that have made headlines, and it might take a while for foreign CEOs to risk making deals in the U.S.

Reduced demand for U.S. assets has become a concern because of the need to fund the massive deficit in the current account, the broadest measure of international transactions. The U.S. current-account gap is running close to 5% of GDP, a level that a Federal Reserve study found typically leads to a depreciation of a nation's currency by 10%-20%, notes Gail Dudack, chief investment strategist at Sungard Institutional Brokerage. The currency adjustment also involves typically three years of sluggish economic growth -- not a pretty portent.

Like most analysts, Morgan Stanley's Quinlan expects a gradual decline in the dollar. He sees the euro rising to 95 cents from about 92 cents currently and a low of 86 cents in late January. He also looks for the yen to trade at 130-125 to the dollar, compared with 126 yen currently, but stronger than the 135 level three months ago, despite Japan's continued economic woes. "If we're right about an orderly decline in the dollar and stronger global growth, that's a good environment for large-cap, multinational companies," he says.

Companies that may benefit the most from a weaker dollar are those that generate most of their revenues overseas. As the dollar weakens, a multinational converts stronger euros, pounds or whatever into more dollars. Above is a list of the 25 companies in the Standard & Poor's 500 that derive the greatest percentage of their total revenue from foreign sales. The list, provided by ISI Group, includes mostly mega-cap names. The biggest companies typically have bigger global presences than mid-to-small-cap stocks, which have outpaced their larger brethren in recent years. But if the buck keeps faltering, big-cap names could be back in favor.

The industry sectors with the most to gain from a weaker dollar are technology, with 45% foreign-sales exposure, and energy companies, which reap 33% of sales abroad. Hence, names such as Motorola and Texas Instruments top our list. ISI's survey of tech companies also has recently shown a pickup in spending, notes Jason Trennert, an ISI investment strategist. The improved survey results, the weaker dollar and the decline in stock prices has Trennert considering shifting to a neutral stance on tech shares from his current underweight position. Not exactly the makings of the next raging bull market, but a favorable change in direction.

U.S. industrial companies that have had a tough time competing with foreign outfits could also benefit from a weaker dollar. Steel and car companies are among the first to come to mind; hence their lobbying for a drop. The areas with the least to gain from a weaker dollar include the financial, utility and telecommunication-service sectors, which each generate under 10% of their revenues abroad.

To be sure, investors need to go beyond looking at foreign-sales exposure before judging whether a stock will reap rewards from a falling dollar. Some analysts note, for instance, that foreigners have been big buyers of U.S. large-cap stocks as the dollar was rising. If they begin selling U.S. assets, large caps, with their higher P/E multiples, could suffer.

Foreign markets also may grow more attractive to American investors in a weaker-dollar environment. As with U.S. multinationals, an investor buying foreign securities will benefit from an appreciation in the foreign currency as well as any gain in the security's price. "I think a lot of U.S. investors have about 5% or less of their portfolio in international equities," says Nicholas Sargen, global markets strategist at the J.P. Morgan Private Bank. A more normal level of international diversification would be about 10%-15%.

When looking overseas, investors should consider emerging markets, says State Street's Langholm, the emerging- market investor. He believes a weaker dollar is consistent with increasing commodity prices, which would benefit those emerging markets where commodities are produced. As a result, he believes that high-quality emerging-market bonds will return their coupons of 10% or so to investors. A weaker greenback and stronger euro would lessen inflation fears in Europe, just as the stronger dollar has helped reduce U.S. inflation. If that comes to pass, the European Central Bank might be less likely to raise rates. European government bonds, which yield about the same as Treasuries, would stand to benefit.

As noted, the consensus sees the dollar falling only moderately, perhaps just 10% or so. But the fear is that the decline could be more precipitous and disruptive. If so, inflation could rise as imports become dearer and domestic producers have more leeway to hike their prices. Interest rates also could increase. The U.S. bond market, a major magnet for foreign capital, could push yields higher if that source of funds departs. And the Fed also might be forced to tighten to offset imported inflation. Either way, it could be bad for the economy and stocks.

"There's generally a belief that the U.S. is the leader in the global economy. So there is an unwillingness to sell the dollar short," explains Trennert. That view has generally benefited the U.S. economy and financial markets, albeit at a cost to certain sectors. A gradual reversal could mitigate those negatives, but a swift one could eliminate the positives.

____________________________________________________

Monday, May 20, 2002, Barron's
Strength in Numbers
By Alan Abelson

Listen to the coyotes howl!

No, they're not upset by the disclosure the White House had a tip more than a month before Sept. 11 that bin Laden & gang might try hijacking some U.S. planes and, on the advice of "intelligence" (?), chose not to share the warning with us humble folk. After all, as both the CIA and FBI in rare agreement noted, the tipster didn't supply the flight times or even the names of the airlines.

And, no, they're not howling about Jimmy Carter's junket to Castroland where he lectured the natives (boy, we do remember those homilies about moral malaise Jimmy used to regale us with). After all, the Cubans have survived listening to Fidel rant on for 40 years, so they're impervious to a gust of hot-air hectoring from old Jimmy.

Nor was the wailing provoked by the latest revelations that energy traders swapped mythical orders with each other. After all, nobody else wanted to trade with them and they were bored out of their minds (in the case of energy traders that doesn't take too much boring).

Not to keep you in suspense: The thing that got the coyotes' hackles up is the idea that earnings are what a company actually earned, not what a company could have, should have, would have earned if it weren't for a few odds and ends, like having to pay people a salary or send along a bundle every month to Ming the Merciless, a.k.a your banker, for interest and paydown on the dough he lent you.

More specifically, what has them in such a state of agitation is the decision, announced last week, by venerable Standard & Poor's to introduce a new system for gauging corporate earnings. We don't blame the captains of industry and the revered analysts of Wall Street who rushed to take up the cudgels against the outrageous notion of trying to present earnings as they truly are.

What could be more subversive of a noble tradition of gussying up profits so that your stock takes off and everyone is happy -- your shareholders, your faithful analytical followers and, not least, your loved ones, who can count on the skyrocketing value of your options to provide sustenance (caviar and foie gras), shelter (manses in Greenwich and monster bungalows in the Hamptons) and educational expeditions to exotic places (Saks, Bloomingdale's, Neiman-Marcus)?

A sly lot, alert to which way the wind is blowing, the critics aren't coming right out and damning S&P for sticking its nose in their business. Instead, they gently bemoan the possible harm to investors. S&P's new way of describing what earnings are, they murmur sorrowfully, will only "confuse" the poor souls.

And the critics are right. Investors are going to be terribly confused when they look back at the dehydrated versions of past years' reported results and wonder where all the earnings went.

We sympathize with the aggrieved corporate brass who spent years getting advanced degrees in financial engineering and see it all going to waste. And we sympathize as well with their camp followers on the Street who swallowed whole those sugarplum earnings confected by their corporate clients and now are faced with the formidable task of finding nice things to say about uncooked fare.

Amid the grumblings, lamentations and cries of "confusion," David Blitzer, S&P's chief investment strategist and the main man in the noble truth-in-earnings undertaking, seemed remarkably serene when we chatted with him briefly last week. A thoughtful type, he evinced neither a trace of surprise at, nor so much as a hint he was perturbed by, the instant carping that accompanied release of the new earnings treatment. He and his diligent crew merit three cheers -- heck, make that four -- for striving to restore sense and integrity to a vital investment measure that has been deliberately and maliciously robbed of both.

Does this mean that S&P's new formula for describing profits is perfect? Of course not. But is it a major step forward toward a reasonable, consistent and disinterested definition of earnings? Absolutely.

For good and sufficient reasons, which it sketches out in the preamble to its discussion of the new approach, S&P found each of the alternatives -- reported earnings, operating earnings and pro forma earnings -- wanting. So it came up with "core earnings," which are, in S&P's words, "after-tax earnings generated from a corporation's primary business or businesses."

The guiding principle in the new formulation is to encompass all revenues and costs of ongoing operations and exclude pretty much anything that isn't part and parcel of the basic business. Not included in core earnings, for example, are goodwill "impairment" charges (triggered when market value of the item drops below book value); gains and losses from asset sales; pension gains; unrealized gains and losses from hedging activities; merger and acquisition expenses and litigation or insurance windfalls.

Included in core earnings are not only the usual R&D expenses but the cost of purchasing research and development as well, thus removing a dodge notably popular among tech companies; restructuring charges from ongoing operations (under the old regimen restructuring charges were a neat catch-all routinely used for a variety of purposes, all of them nefarious); write-downs of depreciable or amortizable operating assets; pension costs and, lest we forget, employee stock-option-grant expenses. This last, need we say, is a particularly sore point for Corporate America, especially that chunk of it that occupies Silicon Valley.

And no wonder. By S&P's reckoning, options expense could cut earnings by as much as 10%, and, if anything, that probably errs on the side of conservatism. Of the 500 corporate worthies that make up the S&P index, only two (Boeing and Winn-Dixie) include the cost of stock options in figuring net income. Why do we have a nagging feeling that not all the other 498 companies that neglect to do so are motivated by a concern that their shareholders might suffer information overload?

The logic of S&P's inclusion of option expense in toting up earnings seems irrefutable: stock options are granted to employees as part of their compensation package. Ergo, they should be counted among compensation expenses. Logic, schmogic, just listen to those coyotes howl!

And our heart goes out to the poor creatures. The pain will be palpable. S&P reckons, for example, that counting options expense would render quite palpable damage to our old friend Cisco's bottom line: instead of the 14 cents-a-share loss reported for the fiscal year ended July '01, the loss balloons to 35 cents a share.

David Levy, who with his father, S. Jay Levy, authors The Levy Forecast and Macroeconomic Profits Analysis (try saying that out loud in a hurry), a first-rate monthly diagnosis and prognosis of the economy, is one of the select group S&P tapped to help shape up its core earnings concept. By David's estimate, reported operating earnings in recent years have been exaggerated by at least 20% and possibly a heap more. So ask not why we needed a new way to measure earnings; ask rather, why it was so long in coming.

Under the old definition of earnings, the S&P 500 sports a P/E of 22. Under the new, that rachets up to around 30. As David Blitzer observes, the average price/earnings ratio over the past half-century is roughly 16, so today's market is not only overvalued but extremely overvalued.

It's not exactly a stretch, obviously, to suspect that as S&P puts its core-earnings approach into effect and, in the fullness of time, as it or some near-facsimile gains currency and the overvaluation of the market becomes inescapably evident, stock prices will suffer, perhaps severely. But whatever the short-term pain, over the long haul anything that makes corporate reporting clearer, more consistent and more true has got to be an enormous plus, for the market, for investors, and mostly certainly for corporations, not to mention our collective economic health and well-being.

There's simply no substitute for honest numbers.

Standard & Poor's conclusion that it isn't kosher to include pension gains in corporate earnings could take a whack out of some prominent blue-chip bottom lines. By way of example, S&P cited General Electric. Ex the contribution from its overfunded pension plan, GE's per-share net last year would have been $1.11, rather than the $1.41 the company reported (GE sniffs that S&P overstated how much pension income chipped in to total profits).

The gross numbers, as Barton Biggs pointed out in a recent commentary for Morgan Stanley, are formidable. At the end of 2001, GE's pension plan had $45.8 billion worth of assets and was an astounding 45% overfunded. And, even though, reflecting the bum stock market, the value of the fund declined last year, no less than $2.1 million of the company's $13.7 billion in reported earnings came courtesy of its still-fat pension fund.

While Barton cautions that GE's pension fund contribution to the company's earnings may fade in the years to come, should the market's performance prove relatively subdued, if S&P has its way it'll vanish entirely.

Barton wasn't picking on GE. Rather, his remarks were part of a somewhat mournful discourse on how "bad things happen in a leveraged, equity-soaked financial system as stocks drift down," as stocks have for the past two years and counting. And prominent among the institutions bad things are happening to pension funds.

The percentage of pension fund portfolios in equities is a towering 75%; that's one problem. Another is that they've been counting on returns of 9.25%-9.5%, which, as Barton notes, may well prove at least a couple of notches higher than they're likely to enjoy.

He cites Milliman, a Seattle actuarial firm, as calculating that the 50 biggest U.S. pension funds took a hit to the aggregate value of their portfolios last year of $36 billion. Thanks to their generous assumptions of how much their investments should return, however, the fabulous 50 were able to use a "hypothetical" pension fund gain of $55 billion in reporting to shareholders, and include $9 billion of pension fund earnings (or something) in their net income.

As Barton observes, the spread between reality and accounting was a cool $92 billion and it wasn't tilted in favor of reality. In the bubble years, of course, the tilt was positive; but those years are gone, maybe never to return. Fair to a fault, Barton adds pension funds have no alternative to basing their accounting on long-term assumptions. Still, as indicated, those assumptions may be entirely too cheerful and, in any case, the contrast between the real and the hypothetical strikes us as a great argument in favor of excluding pension-fund "earnings" from corporate net income.

Especially in light of what's happening to those monster surpluses that pension plans enjoyed through the roaring 'Nineties. At the end of '99, a mere 15% of the big pension plans were underfunded; currently, about half of them are and, absent another bull market, that proportion will inexorably grow. As it is, the surplus in the top 50 plans in the two years ended 2001 shrunk an incredible 90%.

While none of those plans are deemed by Milliman in danger of running short of cash, it's not inconceivable, as Barton says, that companies may have to start coughing up dough to meet their obligations to their retirees. By way of illustration, he relates that GM at the end of last year had pension-fund obligations of $93 billion, against assets in its plans of $76 billion.

In the 'Nineties, as stock prices went racing to the moon and assumptions on how much portfolios would return over the long term went along for the ride, pension funds changed, as Barton puts it, "from cost center to important profit center" for any number of companies. The trip back, to cost center from profit center, no surprise, is proving not nearly as much fun.

P.S. Barton reports that public pension funds are also hurting: their assets plummeted $370 billion in the past two years. Liabilities are mounting by about 7% a year and state and local governments have no choice but to make up the shortfalls. That translates into possibly higher taxes and probably reduced services.

As he comments: "There will be a lot of dry municipal swimming pools this summer." And not because of the drought.



To: J.T. who wrote (12362)5/18/2002 9:09:55 PM
From: High-Tech East  Respond to of 19219
 
... if I had my way, Stephen Roach would not continue to be as accurate as he has been since November, 2000 ... for almost all of us, it is easier to make money in a bull market ... unfortunately, he is very likely still on target - "right-as-rain" as I like to say ...these are his two latest columns from Morgan Stanley's Global Economic Forum ...

Ken Wilson
______________________________

May 16, 2002

Global: Derailing the American Consumer
Stephen Roach (New York)

There seems to be no stopping the American consumer. April’s stunning retail sales report says it all -- a 1.2% surge that was more than twice the gain we had been expecting (0.5%). I’ve said it from the start: There can’t be a double dip without a capitulation of consumer demand. While most have now given up on the possibility of such a relapse, I haven’t. I still believe that there are compelling reasons to look for a significant pullback from the seemingly unflappable American consumer.

My case is premised on the single most important driver of consumer demand -- income generation, and the job creation that lies behind it. Much of the recent hand-wringing over the prognosis of personal consumption has focused on wealth effects -- equities and, more recently, homes. Far be it for me to dismiss the impact of wealth effects. Yet the econometrics are quite clear in assessing the relative importance of these two determinants of consumer spending. On average, about 90 cents of each dollar of personal income is spent, whereas only about five cents of each dollar of equity wealth creation eventually shows up in the form of consumption. In that context, the stresses and strains of household balance sheets hardly matter if personal income growth remains solid. If that’s the case, it does little to bemoan the negative fundamentals of record debt loads and debt-service ratios, rock-bottom saving rates, and depleted equity wealth effects. The over-extended American consumer seems more than content to draw sustenance from expectations of well-maintained income generation.

Therein lies the potential Achilles' heel of consumer demand. I believe that a compelling case can be made for a significant shortfall in income generation over the next 12 to 18 months that will bear a striking resemblance to that which played out in the early 1990s. At work, in my view, is likely to be another round of white-collar shock, as an earnings-constrained Corporate America moves aggressively to prune excess labor costs. Just as white-collar headcount reductions restrained consumer demand in the first few years of the last recovery, I believe a similar phenomenon could well be in the offing today.

The record of the early 1990s is quite revealing insofar as what could lie ahead for the American consumer. Back then, intense corporate restructuring took a devastating toll on job creation. The cumulative increase in nonfarm employment amounted to only about 4% over the first 36 months of the last recovery -- less than half the 9% gains recorded, on average, over the comparable phase of the five preceding upturns. Reflecting that shortfall in job creation, real disposable personal income expanded by only about 6% over the first three years of the last recovery, only about half the 11.5% recovery norm. The income-driven consumer was quick to follow. Real personal consumption rose by a little less than 10% in the first 36 months of the recovery of the early 1990s, a shortfall of fully three percentage points from the nearly 13% average pace of the previous five cycles.

The early stage of the recovery of the 1990s has been widely labeled a "jobless prosperity." And with good reason. The unemployment rate kept rising fully 15 months into that recovery -- going from 6.8% in March 1991 to a peak of 7.8% in June 1992. The jobless rate has long been recognized as a lagging indicator, as headcount reductions typically persist into the first few months of a business cycle upturn. The lags typically reflect the business sector’s initial skepticism over economic recovery. Re-hiring is delayed until sustainable recovery is obvious. In past business cycles, this "recognition lag" was typically about 3 months. In the early 1990s, it was five times that long. The beleaguered American consumer was quick to get the message that that cycle was, indeed, very different from those of the past.

I think there’s every reason to believe that another jobless recovery could be in the offing in the years immediately ahead -- one that would take a comparable toll on consumer demand. There are three reasons behind this conclusion -- the first being that corporate earnings remain under unrelenting pressure. While there has been a bounce in pre-tax profits in recent months, the ratio of such earnings to GDP is still hovering in the recession zone. The earnings conundrum is compounded by a total lack of pricing leverage in the system -- hardly surprising with inflation (GDP-based) running at just a 0.35% average annual rate in the past two quarters, a 48-year low. Second, with earnings-constrained businesses unwilling to bet on a solid recovery in final demand, they have little choice other than to keep cutting costs. After having slashed capital spending budgets, a likely pruning of labor compensation expenses is now at the top of the list. Worker compensation currently stands at 55% of national income. While that’s down 0.5 percentage point from its cyclical high six months ago, it is still well above the post-1984 norm of around 54%.

The third reason is possibly the "smoking gun." Corporate America is currently saddled with another excess of white-collar workers, especially managers. That is strikingly reminiscent of the white-collar bloat of the early 1990s -- the pruning of which was central to the jobless recovery of a decade ago. The numbers are striking. In 2001 -- a recession year -- total managerial headcount in the US economy increased by an astonishing 2.9%. By contrast, the non-managerial piece of the workforce fell by 0.5% last year, behaving as it should in an economic downturn. It’s hard to believe that US businesses have fallen into the same trap they did a decade ago -- losing control over hiring practices at the end of a cycle. But that’s exactly what happened -- and even to a greater degree than was the case at the end of the previous cycle. I suspect this can be traced to the legacy effects of the New Economy -- in particular, the perception that today’s more complex organizations require ever-greater managerial hierarchies. In support of that assertion is an ominous increase in the ratio of managers-to-professionals -- a proxy for the balance between paper-pushers and content-providers. This ratio stood at 0.94 in 2001 -- close to where it got in the late 1980s just before the last managerial shakeout. Such are the excesses that always seem to occur at the end of a boom.

Some have argued that since the national unemployment rate has now risen from 3.9% to 6%, the pruning of white-collar bloat must be well advanced. That is not the case. Over the past year, the unemployment rate for the managerial and professional occupational category has risen by just one percentage point from 2.1% in April 2001 to 3.1% in April 2002. By contrast, jobless rates for blue-collar workers have risen by more than two percentage points over this same period. In other words, the upper echelons of America’s white-collar ranks have been the least effected by the corporate cost-cutting initiatives of the past year.

I remain confident that this is now about to change. Earnings-constrained Corporate America has no choice other than to face the painful reality of pruning the excesses of managerial bloat. The efforts will undoubtedly be concentrated in the private service sector -- financial services, transportation services, retailers and wholesalers, telecommunications, public utilities, and a broad array of business service providers. Collectively, the private services segment of the US economy currently employs 71% of all of America’s managers. Moreover, these are America’s highest-paid workers. According to the US Bureau of Labor Statistics, hourly compensation for managers ($40.86 in March 2002) is basically twice that of all private sector workers ($20.81). Nor do managers represent a small slice of the American work force. They currently account for fully 25% of all white-collar workers and about 17% of total nonfarm payrolls in the US. In other words, if and when the axe comes down on managerial bloat, it will hit a large and very high-paid segment of the American labor force.

Therein lies the biggest risk to the consumer. Bloated corporate bureaucracies must now be rationalized in this earnings-constrained environment. That raises the distinct possibility that the consumer will have to come to grips with an outbreak of job and income insecurity that is painfully comparable to that which occurred during the jobless recovery of the early 1990s. Consumers have kept spending in early 2002 because they have no such fears. If that complacency is shattered by the likely pruning of managerial bloat, the over-extended American consumer will be in for a rude awakening. Consumption will then falter, in my view, and the US economy will have lost its only leg of support. I read everywhere these days that the odds of a double dip are now zero. If it were only that easy.

______________________________

May 17, 2002

Global: The Case for the Double Dip

Stephen Roach (New York)

Just because it hasn’t happened yet, doesn’t mean it won’t occur in the future. The odds of a double dip in the US economy are not nearly as low as you have been led to believe. While the incoming data in early 2002 have certainly broken against such a possibility, the analytics remain quite compelling, in my view. The case for the double dip rests on five key considerations.

The unrelenting squeeze on Corporate America is at the top of my list. At work are three macro pressures -- no pricing leverage, a legacy of bloated costs, and still-depressed profit margins. With GDP-based inflation running at a 0.35% annual rate over the past two quarters -- a 48-year low -- the risk of outright deflation can hardly be ruled out. Inasmuch as inflation typically recedes during the first four quarters of economic recovery, that risk is far from trivial; that’s especially the case with the US being subjected to the ongoing pressures of import price deflation -- nonpetroleum import prices are down 3.3% in the 12 months ending April 2002. On the cost side of the equation, considerable progress has been made in pruning the capacity overhang, especially for information technology. However, while the capital spending share of GDP has been cut to 11.1% in 1Q02 -- down from the 13.2% peak of 4Q00 -- it remains well above the 10% trough readings that were reached at the bottom of earlier secular downturns in business spending. Moreover, little progress has been made in pruning the excesses of labor costs; worker compensation currently stands at 55% of national income -- down 0.5 percentage point from its cyclical high six months ago, but still well above the 53% level hit in the trough of the last recession.

In a still weak demand climate, the twin pressures of limited pricing leverage and persistent cost bloat have left corporate profit margins quite depressed. Unit profits from current production (as measured in the national income accounts) stood at 0.090 in 4Q01 (latest data available) -- up 12.5% from the trough a quarter earlier but still down 30% from peak levels hit in the late 1990s. Barring a vigorous and sustained revival in final demand, pressures on corporate earning should persist. That suggests US businesses will remain fixated on cost cutting for some time to come. Inasmuch as corporate IT budgets have borne the brunt of such efforts thus far, the pendulum of cost cutting should now swing toward the long overdue pruning of labor costs. An overhang of managerial employment seems particularly vulnerable in that regard -- underscoring the distinct possibility of a structural increase in unemployment that would be strikingly reminiscent of that which occurred in the "jobless recovery" of the early 1990s.

A second element to the case for a double dip is a potential capitulation of the seemingly unflappable American consumer. Two considerations are key in this regard -- the first being a shock to job and income security brought about the white-collar headcount reductions sketched out above. While the over-extended American consumer looks especially precarious from the standpoints of saving, equity wealth effects, and debt-service ratios, these considerations pale in comparison with far more powerful income effects. To the extent that the focus of corporate cost cutting now shifts to headcount reductions that persist well into recovery -- precisely as was the case during the first 15 months of the recovery in the early 1990s -- then there is a compelling case for a protracted shortfall in consumer demand (see my 16 May dispatch in the Global Economic Forum, "Derailing the American Consumer"). A likely fallback in the purchases of consumer durables after the extraordinary buying binge of late 2001 -- up at a 39.4% annual rate in 4Q01 -- is yet another reason to be concerned about a potential relapse in consumer demand. The time-honored "stock adjustment model" of consumer durables would predict just such an outcome. In this framework, consumers have a clear notion of their desired (equilibrium) holdings (stock) of durables; when they overshoot this target -- as they did late last year -- a payback can then be expected. That was the basis for my initial call for a pullback in personal consumption, and I still stand by it. If history tells us one thing about double dips, it’s that they are invariably triggered by a relapse in consumer demand. That risk remains very real, in my view.

The "vulnerability factor" is a third element to the case for a double dip. The theory is quite simple in this respect. If GDP growth remains close to the "stall speed" -- a 1-2% pace, in my view -- then the economy lacks its normal cyclical cushion, and it doesn’t take much of a shock to trigger renewed recession. This is the same construct I used to predict the recession of 2001, and I believe it will be equally applicable looking ahead. There are two reasons to worry about a US economy that might be hovering at its stall speed beginning in the second half of 2002. First, there is no "pent-up demand" demand for consumer durables and homebuilding -- sectors that normally play key roles in sparking cyclical revival. In the typical recession quarter of the past (28 quarters over six recessions), these two sectors reduced annualized real GDP growth by 1.2 percentage points; by contrast, in the final three quarters of 2001, these two sectors added 1.2 percentage points to GDP growth. With the classic sources of pent-up demand having already been spent -- and with capital spending likely to be restrained by ongoing corporate cost cutting -- the prognosis for a vigorous rebound in final demand is dubious.

Demand is also likely to restrained by a second set of forces -- the structural headwinds stemming from the lingering excesses of the late 1990s. Recessions are supposed to purge the excesses that build up during the preceding boom. That has not been the case in what has so far turned out to be the shortest and mildest recession on record. The excesses of the late 1990s remain an enduring feature of the current climate -- rock-bottom personal saving rates, an overhang of excess capacity, record debt loads, and a massive current account deficit. These imbalances will only get worse in a vigorous recovery. By contrast, they can only be tempered by slow growth -- or by a double dip. For those two reasons -- a lack of pent-up demand and the ever-present excesses of the late 1990s -- there is good reason to believe that the US economy could well find itself back in stall-speed territory as soon as the second half of 2002. Operating at such a vulnerable growth pace would leave America wide open to any shock -- an all too frequent occurrence even under the best of circumstances.

The unique character of the latest recession is a fourth key reason to worry about the possibility of a double dip. Unlike recessions of the past, which were driven largely by adjustments on the demand side of the equation, this one was dominated by a contraction on the supply side. Over the final three quarters of 2001, business capital spending lowered annualized real GDP growth by 1.6 percentage points -- four times the recessionary norm of -0.4 percentage point. To the extent that this IT-driven collapse in business spending was very much a manifestation of America’s post-bubble shakeout, it seems reasonable to believe that this key sector will remain sluggish for some time to come. Economic theory and history are quite clear on one key characteristic of a supply-side recession induced by the popping of an asset bubble -- a lack of responsiveness to lower interest rates. Look no further than to Japan for a clear example of such a phenomenon. A similar outcome could well be in the offing in the United States. It’s three interest-rate-sensitive sectors -- consumer durables, homebuilding, and business capital spending -- that all seem likely to be surprisingly unresponsive to the recent aggressive easing of US monetary policy. The Fed could well be as close to "pushing on a string" as it has been since the 1930s.

A fifth reason to worry about the possibility of a double dip is historical precedent. I put less credence on this factor than I do on the other four. While we are all taught to challenge the notion that "this time is different," it is equally risky, in my view, to frame a forecast on the basis of mindless extrapolations from the past. Nevertheless, I do believe it pays to be mindful of the lessons of history. And in that regard, the record is perfectly clear -- five of the past six recessions have, in fact, contained a double dip. Moreover, there were actually triple dips in the cyclical downturns of the mid-1970s and early-1980s. The double dips of the past all have one thing in common -- they were triggered by a relapse on the demand front that occurred at just the moment when businesses had started lifting production in order to replenish depleted stocks. Needless to say, with industrial production now on the rise in the US -- four months of consecutive gains in early 2002 -- any relapse on the demand front would be especially problematic. And then, of course, history would end up having an uncanny knack of repeating itself.

I will be the first to concede that the case presented above does not make a clear distinction between an outright double dip and an anemic recovery. But, at a minimum, these considerations paint a picture of a US economy that could find it exceedingly difficult to fulfill the growth, earnings, Fed policy, and inflationary expectations that are currently embedded in financial markets. Yes, the data flow has broken very much against this call in early 2002. But I continue to believe that the analytics of the double dip remain quite compelling. To the extent that much of the incoming data may have been distorted by noise -- especially weather-related distortions and a post-9/11 sigh of relief -- the case for an imminent and marked slowdown in the US economy remains a distinct possibility. And such a relapse could well sow the seeds of a vulnerability, out of which the classic double dip is invariably borne. For a consensus that has now put this possibility completely to rest, that could come as the biggest shock of all.