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Gold/Mining/Energy : Barrick Gold (ABX) -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: nickel61 who wrote (2819)5/18/2002 8:57:10 AM
From: nickel61  Respond to of 3558
 
As a thinking person and an MBA in finance, you can surely understand the obvious implications of the analysis below from Reg Howe. The key factor is that much like Enron, Barrick has created a large off balance sheet portfolio of assets that are only seen and understood by them. They apparently disclose almost nothing of how they structure the spot deffereds and how they chose to determine the "price" that they are carried on the off balance sheet books. The amazing radomness of the "schedule" of when they will come due points out that they are managing the years in which they are recorded and using computer modeling to "assume" what "value" they will have on the schedule. There is no ryhme nor pattern to the drastically changing numbers. What exactly is going on here is not clear because the shareholders do not have access to the exact wording of the contracts nor clear explanations on why the amounts and prices change so dramatically. The fact that someone like yourself is not curious about the nature of how they derive these schedules is curious in and of it self. Why are you not interested in what happened that made them make the dramatic shift from having intedendent money managers manage the assets and now have decided to leave the balances with the very banks who they have the contracts with. Maybe the only people aside from Barrick management that actually can see the full impact of the hedge portfolio are the counterparty banks and they are demanding that the cash balances be placed with them. I don't know this but it is highly suspicious in the post Enron/Arthur Anderson world that the banks are now holding the money. Don't you agree?

These contracts, as we know from careful exegesis of other portions of the text in question, do not in fact establish “selling prices;” rather, the “selling prices” are merely projections of the future values of existing cash balances using various assumptions on interest rates. Recall the description of how forward pricing works in the excerpt from the 1997 annual report: “When Barrick delivers its gold, which is used to repay the central bank, it receives the net proceeds from the sale: the original spot price, plus accumulated income earned, minus the cost to borrow the gold” [emphasis supplied]. The sale referred to is the short sale entered into to fund the forward, not the final sale on delivery. All Goldco gets when it closes out a particular spot deferred is the original short sale proceeds plus interest.

So a critical component of the “selling price” is the assumed rate of interest on the proceeds of the short sale. This explains the statement in the 2001 annual report:

Contrary to most businesses, we are adversely affected by lower interest rates rather than higher rates. In higher interest rate environments, we earn higher premiums for our spot deferred sales program because the forward price is primarily a function of US interest rates, as well as higher interest income on our cash balances [emphasis supplied].

Making such a big bet on interest rates involves risk. The cost of funds could spike up, the return on investment could go down; either swing could dramatically affect the size of the amount available on delivery. Barrick’s solution: derivatives.

The Company maintains an interest rate risk-management strategy that uses derivative instruments to mitigate significant unplanned fluctuations in earnings or cash flows that arise from volatility in interest rates.

But what about the rollover option in the spot deferreds? How does a decision to defer delivery affect pricing assumptions? What other costs are incurred in the exercise of this flexibility? Take a hypothetical example. Assume on a day when spot is $250, Goldco enters a contract to deliver 1 ounce on June 30, 2002. But when June 30 rolls around, spot is actually $400, so Goldco does the rational thing and elects to put off delivery for a year, selling its ounce instead into the spot market. Assume one year later spot has fallen to $200, so Goldco elects to deliver into the contract and book a gain. Who bears the loss of the “profit” that the bullion bank/central bank would have enjoyed if it had received its gold on the due date? It could have turned around and sold in the spot market then for $400, but now it’s stuck at $200. Can these contracts be so cleverly drawn that in every scenario, it’s heads Barrick wins, tails the banks lose? Or does each deferral trigger yet another actual or synthetic short sale by the bullion bank to lock in the profit deferred? Does this explain the phenomenal growth in J.P. Morgan’s derivatives position? If so, what is the corresponding adjustment to Hedgebook’s accounts? Or does each deferral just trigger some sort of payment or obligation which need not be disclosed, as it takes place beyond the cyber-membrane?

Grid and Bare It. That spot deferred “prices” are mere projections, changed as circumstances warrant, is demonstrated by the futility of attempting to track them across reporting periods. The following tables show the “selling prices” for gold under spot deferred contracts as presented in Barrick’s annual reports for the last three years and the first quarter of 2002:

2002, First Quarter:

Scheduled delivery 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006+ Total

Ounces (thousands) 2,100 2,600 2,800 1,500 9,000 18,000

Avg. price ($/oz/) 365 340 340 335 342 344
2001:

Scheduled delivery 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006+ Total

Ounces (thousands) 2,800 2,600 2,800 1,400 8,600 18,200

Avg. price ($/oz.) 365 340 340 340 344 $345
2000:

Scheduled delivery 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007+ Total

Ounces (thousands) 3,800 3,800 2,100 1,600 700 600 2,300 14,900

Avg. price ($/oz.) 340 340 362 364 355 357 360 350
1999:

Scheduled delivery 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006+ Total

Ounces (thousands) 3,700 3,700 1,800 900 900 500 2,100 13,600

Avg. price ($/oz.) 360 360 360 360 360 361 366 361
Try tracking the scheduled amount for delivery in 2002, just for fun (shown in bold in the tables). It starts out life in our series back in 1999 at 1,800,000 ounces, sporting an average price of $360. In 2000, the very next year, some committee or other apparently decided that it would be better for reporting purposes to beef it up to a whopping 3,800,000 ounces, but felt the need to chop the “price” by $20, taking it down to $340. Cooler heads prevailed in 2001, however, and the amount was reduced to 2,800,000 ounces, but what’s this -- the “price” was increased to $365, higher even than 1999’s version. One quarter later, at least the “price” stays the same, but the amount mysteriously declines to 2,100,000 ounces.

Notice a pattern here? Neither do we. These tables breathe new life into the tired term “random.” While we’re on the subject, we wonder precisely what an investor is supposed to make of this information. Whence are the “schedules” derived? Why are they changed so often? Of what utility is a “schedule” which varies as to amount and price so radically period over period?

Is this price derivation and schedule disparity thing a big deal? We don’t know, but the false rigor bothers us.

2. Why are they so much better than the prices everybody else gets?

It is also troubling that no other hedger comes close to matching these results. Fifty, eighty, hundred dollar premiums over spot, year after year? How do you get that at a passbook savings rate, even allowing for the magic of compounding?

Granted, Barrick has an A rated balance sheet, unique in the industry. But is that enough to explain such a huge difference? The financial markets are ferociously competitive, and a great idea has a proprietary shelf life of about a minute. How is it possible that over a 14-year period, swarms of aggressive young investment bankers have not taken this concept and applied it to everyone in the phone book, thereby causing a convergence of results?

Once again, the answer may be found in a synthesis of disparate portions of the annual reports. The MD&A section of the 2001 annual report informs us that Barrick gooses returns in three ways: First, it has until recently (see Holding the Maginot Line, below) put a slug of Hedgebook under the management of gunslingers, we mean, fund managers.

To improve returns, we have diversified [Hedgebook] by investing approximately $1 billion or 17 per cent of the overall Program into an off-balance sheet fixed-income portfolio of corporate securities with a number of top fund managers, with changes in fair value being reflected in the income statement and on the balance sheet.

Second, it takes directional risk on funding rates:

We have locked in gold borrowing costs on approximately two-thirds of the overall Program while maintaining floating lease rates on the balance to maximize the forward premium earned.

Finally, it adds apple juice to orange juice, tossing in premium from the sale of other derivatives:

Third, we sell gold call options to generate additional revenue. The calls are written at prices at which we would be comfortable adding to our forward sales program if we are exercised. We have the ability to convert the call options exercised, at our discretion, including related premium income, into spot deferred contracts, which accrue contango (US$ Interest Rate - Gold Lease Rate) the new delivery date. The call options and the premiums from expired options are recorded on the balance sheet and the fair value adjusted through earnings.

So is this the answer? They take the bread & butter Hedgebook projections, add in the juice from various derivatives, extend or shorten the schedule as needed, divide by some number of ounces which they have sold under this rubric or intend to sell or might sell or could sell unless conditions change, and presto! A super high price-per-ounce calculation, and sure-fire $X-greater-than-spot bragging rights for the annual report. But when the numerator is such a hodgepodge of unlike income categories, and the denominator appears to be a moving target, of what value is the information? What are we to make of this?

We don’t know, we don’t get it, and it bothers us that we have to work so hard to try to figure it out.

The Dance of the Ashanti

Goldbugs are paranoid by nature, and we get especially cranky when we’re in the dark on the kinds of basic questions posed above. Our anxieties, as they relate to the prospect of ending up somehow with Barrick paper in a bid for Gold Fields, center on one hellish scenario: a collapse like that of Ashanti Goldfields Ltd. (NYSE:ASL) in the wake of the Washington Agreement in September 1999.

Confession time: we were long Ashanti. Not by much, but still, we’ll never forget the awful sight of hedgebooks blowing up, and the acrid smell of burnt toast wafting out of our portfolio. All because the price of gold rose. (And they wonder why we’re paranoid.)

Now, there are a number of obvious differences between the hapless Ashanti and the swashbuckling Barrick. To begin with, Barrick is not the typical prey of the derivatives sharks described in Frank Partnoy’s FIASCO. Randall Oliphant is a financial maven, not a miner, and Hedgebook is a financial business, not a mine; if anything, it would seem Barrick consistently eats the bankers’ lunch.

Add to this the important differences in the reported terms of the forward contracts themselves. Ashanti’s book, we learned after the fact, consisted of an assortment of amusing little delicacies cooked up by those merry chefs at Goldman Sachs. See, e.g., L. Barber & G. O'Connor, “How Goldman Sachs Helped Ruin and then Dismember Ashanti Gold,” Financial Times (London), Dec. 2, 1999, reprinted at groups.yahoo.com. It featured treats like Margin Call Marengo and Death by Chocolate Delivery Requirements.

Not so our spot deferreds, according to Company pronouncements. Barrick’s SVP and CFO, Jamie Sokalsky, put it thus in a letter to the editor published in the November 23, 2001, edition of Canada’s The Globe and Mail:

Critics cite a few high-profile cases of companies running into trouble with their hedging programs when the gold price rose. Barrick’s program is different in kind and quality. For one thing, we have no margin calls to worry about. But the most important difference is that if the gold price rises, Barrick has the unique flexibility to defer its contracts for up to 15 years.

To give an example, if the price of gold shot up to nearly $600 tomorrow and stayed there for 15 years, we would realize every cent of that increase.

Now that’s a striking assertion. Let’s think about its implications for a moment. According to the 2001 annual report, Goldco has proven & probable reserves of about 82 million ounces, and produces at the rate of about 6 million ounces per year. If, in Mr. Sokalsky’s hypothetical, Barrick were to sell all its output in the spot market for all 15 years rather than close out the accounts, at the end of that period it would be out of gold in the ground but the obligation to deliver under those spot deferreds would remain. So unless Barrick succeeded in adding another 80 million ounces of reserves over that 15 year period (how much do new reserves cost in a $600 gold environment, we wonder, and just how plentiful are they?), Mr. Sokalsky’s counterparties would be left holding a rather large empty bag. Now they may not be as smart as the Barrick guys, but it strains credulity that they would just stand by and watch their position disappear altogether. Assuming a normal commercial relationship, at some point they will turn the screws, contract niceties or no.



To: nickel61 who wrote (2819)5/18/2002 9:06:56 AM
From: nickel61  Respond to of 3558
 
In case you didn't read this article from the Financial Times about how Ashanti went bust with their hidden hedge book. How would you feel as a shareholder in Ashanti finding out about the dangers of the off balance sheet financing only after it was too late?

HOW GOLDMAN SACHS HELPED RUIN
AND THEN DISMEMBER ASHANTI GOLD

By Lionel Barber and Gillian O'Connor
The Financial Times, London
December 2, 1999

On Friday, October 1, a worried Mark Keatley,
finance director of Ashanti, the Ghanaian gold
mining company, flew from Accra for a crisis meeting
in London. Mr. Keatley knew his company was in
trouble, but he was about to discover that things
were a great deal worse than he had feared.

Mr Keatley was carrying a 3-inch stack of papers.
The papers summarised several thousand derivatives
contracts Ashanti had entered with 17 banks,
including Goldman Sachs, the company's main
financial adviser.

Six days before, the European central banks had
announced they were limiting sales and loans of
gold. The price of gold, which had been falling
steadily since spring, suddenly surged, rising from
$269 an ounce to $307 over the week.

On the face of it, a rising gold price should have
benefited one of the world's biggest gold producers.
But the papers Mr. Keatley was carrying told a
different story. For Ashanti, aided by Goldman, had
for months been placing a huge bet on gold prices
continuing to fall.

Ashanti was not the only one in trouble. Goldman
Sachs' multiple roles as corporate adviser to
Ashanti, seller of over-the-counter financial
derivatives, and trader in the bullion market were
about to converge in a way that was to test not only
the bank's expertise but its reputation.

The full extent of the crisis began to emerge that
Friday evening at Goldman Sachs' headquarters in
Fleet Street. With Mr. Keatley's agreement, Goldman
secretly ran Ashanti's trading positions -- over
2,500 in all -- on a computer model.

The results were shocking. Ashanti's "hedge book" of
derivatives contracts was deeply in the red. If the
17 banks that were its "hedge counterparties"
demanded the cash deposits they were entitled to,
Ashanti would go into default. Ashanti would also
squeeze the bullion market in closing all its
contracts because it would need to purchase gold.

Over the next few days, under the watchful eye of
the Bank of England, an extraordinary sequence of
events unfolded as the banks, led by Goldman Sachs,
sought to rescue Ashanti and prevent a crisis in the
bullion market. The effort was successful, but it
left lingering questions among rival banks in the
City about Goldman's role.

Ashanti was built up on the century-old Obuasi mine
in Ghana. In 1994 it became the first black African
firm to list on the London Stock Exchange. Thanks to
the charm and political connections of its boss, Sam
Jonah, the company expanded rapidly through
acquisitions in other African countries.

Goldman became the main corporate adviser to Ashanti
in 1996. Like other investment banks, Goldman
allowed the two sides of its operations -- the
private advisory arm and the public trading
operation -- to deal with the same client.

It imposed safeguards to prevent confidential
information passing across the "Chinese wall" from
private to public. This arrangement was subject to
constant monitoring by a "control room" of
compliance officers and corporate lawyers.

In the case of Ashanti, Goldman's special place in
the bullion market made these arrangements highly
complicated. Goldman sold a wide range of financial
derivatives to gold companies. It was the leading
member of a so-called "big four" of investment banks
with which Ashanti traded. The others were Credit
Suisse Financial Products, Societe Generale of
France, and UBS of Switzerland.

For Ashanti, derivatives were much more than an
insurance against a falling gold price -- they were
a source of profit and cash. This was important for
Ashanti, which had a heavily indebted balance sheet,
partly because it had been forced to borrow to
finance acquisitions rather than issue equity.

The main reason for this was that neither of
Ashanti's two principal shareholders -- the Ghanaian
government and Lonmin, the rump company originating
from Tiny Rowland's empire -- wanted to have their
stakes in the company diluted.

Sam Jonah boasted that Ashanti had "earned" more
than $700 million by using derivatives to make
forward sales of its future gold output. As long as
the gold price was falling, Ashanti was able to make
a profit from the gap between the current and future
price. By the middle of 1999, the company had "pre-
sold" some 50 percent of its reserves.

But when Europe's central banks intervened on
September 26, Ashanti's hedge book suddenly turned
from an asset into a crushing liability. And as its
derivatives positions spiralled into loss, its
counterparties started to demand cash deposits --
known as margin calls. At the end of June, Ashanti's
hedge book had a positive value of $290 million. In
early October, it was $570 million in loss, and
there were margin calls pending of $270 million.

The dramatic deterioration in Ashanti's financial
position was being closely watched by Goldman's
derivatives salesmen. But they did not know that
their colleagues in Goldman's advisory team were
also taking an active interest in Ashanti's affairs.

For over a year advisers led by Richard Campbell-
Breeden had been working on a possible merger
between Ashanti and its shareholder Lonmin. But Mr.
Campbell-Breeden had not yet fully grasped the
implications of Ashanti's financial hedging
activities.

"We thought that if the gold price went up it was
good for Ashanti because it enhanced its long-term
value," says Mr. Campbell-Breeden, "We did not
appreciate that it could produce a short-term
liquidity crisis."

The truth dawned when he was told of Ashanti's
looming cash crunch by Ron Beller, co-head of fixed
income, currency, and commodity sales for Goldman in
Europe. Mr. Beller told Mr. Campbell-Breeden that J.
Aron, Goldman's commodity trading subsidiary, would
soon have the right to make margin calls.

Mr. Campbell-Breeden immediately called Mr. Keatley
in Accra. Mr. Keatley assured him there was "no
margin problem." But three days later he called Mr.
Campbell-Breeden at 1 a.m. and modified his
position. There was indeed a margin problem, but he
insisted it was containable.

Later that day -- Thursday, September 30 -- Ashanti
issued a statement to the London Stock Exchange,
saying it had reorganised its hedge book. It said
the "management was satisfied that the hedge
portfolio is robust in the current gold market."

As the market absorbed news of Ashanti's problems,
Mr. Beller tried to stabilise the company. He
assured Ashanti and Mr. Campbell-Breeden that J.
Aron would temporarily waive its right to margin
calls. Mr. Beller then took on an additional role.
At Ashanti's request, he approached SocGen to inform
the French bank of Goldman's decision to waive
margin calls. At the same time, he informed SocGen
about the merger talks with Lonmin.

As Mr. Keatley prepared to fly to London, Goldman
was becoming entangled.

First, it was trying to prevent a client from going
bankrupt, with the risk of turmoil in the gold
market. Ashanti's heavy derivatives exposure made
the position more serious because other gold
companies could come under pressure.

Second, Goldman had to avoid the suspicion that it
would exploit its access to Ashanti's books in its
trading. Goldman admits this required "extraordinary
measures." Mr. Beller and a few Goldman traders were
operating full-time during the crisis on the
advisory side of the Chinese wall.

Third, Goldman had to reconcile its position as
corporate adviser with being Ashanti's principal
counterparty. The former role involved Mr. Beller
not only advising Ashanti and Lonmin on derivatives,
but acting as an intermediary with 16 banks. By its
own admission, Goldman found these multiples roles
extremely hard to manage. It created special
confidentiality agreements for several people from
Goldman's trading side before they were seconded to
Ashanti. It also kept the Bank of England informed.

Over the weekend of October 2 and 3, Goldman led
frantic efforts to sort out Ashanti's hedge book and
persuade the hedge counterparties not to make
immediate margin calls. There was a brief break from
negotiations on Sunday as some of those involved
watched a football match, in which Chelsea beat
Manchester United 5-0.

Linklaters, the law firm, helped in negotiations
with the "big four," some of which were wary about
agreeing to a moratorium on margin calls without
similar commitments from others. On Monday evening,
most counterparties met in Fleet Street. Others took
part by telephone. Later one executive from
Westdeutsche Landesbank was tracked down on his
honeymoon in Australia. He was told his bank had an
exposure of $3 million -- 10 times the amount he had
believed.

After agreeing to a series of temporary standstills
-- and after the appointment of CIBC in place of
Goldman as principal corporate adviser to Ashanti --
the 17 banks extended the moratorium to a three-year
margin holiday. But they extracted a price: the
right to acquire 15 percent of Ashanti's equity
through cheap warrants issued by an offshore
subsidiary of the company.

Ashanti was saved, although the Lonmin bid
ultimately failed because the Ghanaian government
was determined not to lose control. But one month
later, questions remain over the role of Goldman.
Many involved pay tribute to its skill in resolving
the crisis. But some rivals remain concerned about
Goldman's privileged access to information.

One complaint that went as far as the Bank of
England concerned a large trade executed by Goldman
in the middle of the crisis. Some rivals believe it
traded gold heavily at $325 an ounce in an effort to
extricate both itself and clients from derivative
liabilities.

Goldman agrees that it traded heavily at $325 on
Monday, October 4. But the bank insists it was
trading options on behalf of clients, rather than
spot trading for itself. Any information used for
trading was gained from its own exposure to Ashanti,
as well as market knowledge.

The bank says it offered to resign as corporate
adviser to Ashanti several times, but Ashanti
resisted. As a compromise, Goldman says it
encouraged Ashanti to appoint CIBC as its lead
financial adviser in charge of discussions with the
other banks, as soon as possible.

With hindsight, some Goldman executives admit that
some of the derivatives it sold Ashanti may not have
been ideal for a heavily-indebted company. But it
argues that the deals were "client-driven
transactions" -- the responsibility of Ashanti's
management.

Wherever responsibility lies, the result is beyond
dispute. Ashanti is heavily in debt, and dependent
on the goodwill of its banks. In the words of one
person involved, the company is "a prisoner on the
run."



To: nickel61 who wrote (2819)5/18/2002 9:15:40 AM
From: nickel61  Respond to of 3558
 
And what except a bet on gold continuing to fall would you call a gold mining company who borrowed gold from a central bank and sold it short in the spot market with a promise to replace it later? It is an 18 million ounce bet that shows clearly that even today the Barrick management think that the price of gold will not appreciate faster than the computer determined interest returns that they get on the proceeds from their short sale. That is an amazing statement to say that Barrick really thinks that the price of gold will not be able to appreciate over the next three to five years at more than 5-6% compounded per annum. I wouldn't want to make that bet if I really believed that the concerted disgourging of central bank gold over the last six years had depressed the spot price to any degree.

And who better then Barrick would understand the impact the short selling of all of their last fourteen years of gold production has had in the decline of the spot gold price? What if as all the other hedgers start to withdraw from additional hedges and indeed start buying gold in the spot market to reduce their existing hedges, ala Newmont, AngloGold, Kinross et all. then where will the spot market go? And how will this change the willingness of Barrick's shareholders to stay with this flawed and outdated financial scheme?



To: nickel61 who wrote (2819)5/18/2002 9:26:23 AM
From: tyc:>  Read Replies (5) | Respond to of 3558
 
Never mind Barrick for the moment. Let's consider ALL hedged reserves of ALL mining companies.

By definition and logic, as "hedged reserves" are produced, they will NOT be sold on the spot market; they will be returned to the lender. (To the extent that production is sold on the spot market, hedges are NOT reduced, and therefore it was not production from "hedged reserves").

The existence of hedged reserves will therefore tend to bolster future prices, just as the existence of "shorts" tend to bolster stock prices.

Logically, it makes no difference whether the borrower goes into the market to buy gold to repay the lender, or simply uses his production to repay them instead of selling it.



To: nickel61 who wrote (2819)5/18/2002 3:18:44 PM
From: goldsheet  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 3558
 
<This is not a minor reason why the spot price of gold has declined so much in the last six years. Do you not agree? >

I do not agree. If you read my earlier post I attributed about $20 of of the drop to forwards sales. I think increased production was the major contributor ($50), along with outright central bank sales ($20) and the Asian currency crisis ($20). Forwards sales are not a minor factor, but they are not as signifigant as claimed and were definitely not the primary factor.