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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?

To: Elsewhere who wrote (29989)	5/18/2002 12:36:22 PM
From: BigBull	Read Replies (1) \| Respond to of 281500

Gotta love that Bear! :o} Lots of fond memories of Zehlendorf, the Schlactensee, and Limastrasse (no numbers please). Where is Bush staying, eh?

To: Elsewhere who wrote (29989)	5/18/2002 12:43:18 PM
From: LindyBill	Respond to of 281500

Mr. Bush will visit Berlin next week I hope he does not become a "Berliner" like Kennedy.

To: Elsewhere who wrote (29989)	5/20/2002 4:27:37 PM
From: Elsewhere	Respond to of 281500

A Visit With Good Friends Leo Wieland Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung May 20, 2002 faz.com{B1311FCC-FBFB-11D2-B228-00105A9CAF88}&doc={A3371ABD-84C5-4736-AEA0-489ED846E585} President George W. Bush, who has grown accustomed to hearing only applause back home, has suddenly found himself trapped in a politically poisonous atmosphere in Washington. So he is setting off for Germany, Russia, France and Italy this week in hopes of getting some refreshing European air. The sudden hostility at home is being fueled by suggestions that Mr. Bush had more material information about the planned terrorist attacks before Sept. 11 than he is now admitting and whether the twin disaster of the World Trade Center and the Pentagon could have been prevented. The dispute appears both strange and morbid. Nobody is denying that cooperation between the U.S. intelligence agencies and the police to prevent terrorism could be better. Looking back, there are many reasons to wonder why the appropriate people did not take certain early warnings seriously and why the individual pieces never came together to form a larger picture. But with no specific proof, the insinuations that the president allowed a catastrophe to happen fly in the face of all reason. That is pushing things too far, even for a congressional election year. The situation is not helped by Democrat Senator Hillary Clinton, who put herself in the forefront and unctuously demanded an explanation. Mr. Bush was unable to concentrate on Fyodor Dostoyevsky's novels and his foreign policy briefing books because he had to justify his actions. He must have been sure of one thing: That the wildest rumors can take on lives of their own and that he had to make absolutely sure that none of this mud sticks to him. Thus, his trip abroad offers him some welcome relief. His first stop in Germany and the first speech by a U.S. president in the Reichstag are -- notwithstanding aggressive demonstrators forming in the German capital -- something to celebrate. As the son of the man who was instrumental in German reunification, President Bush may earn some additional family sympathy. Mr. Bush is coming to the country as the head of a pro-German government of a pro-German country at a time when there are few clouds to darken the allied skies. Despite differences over Iraq, steel and agricultural subsidies, U.S. and German policy, interests and objectives match from Afghanistan to the Balkans and the Middle East. As far as the division of labor in regional conflicts goes, Chancellor Gerhard Schröder -- within his limited range of possibilities -- is seen by Washington as a good ally. Foreign Minister Joseph (Joschka) Fischer perhaps scores slightly higher. Mr. Bush can expect a warm welcome and harmonious agreement at his second port of call in Moscow and St. Petersburg. Relations between Russia and the United States and the personal rapport between Mr. Bush and President Vladimir Putin have developed surprisingly well since their first meeting just under a year ago in Slovenia. A new direction in transatlantic relations has brought Russian support in the war on terrorism, the deployment of U.S. military and support personnel to central Asia and the Caucasus, and nuclear disarmament. The centerpiece in Moscow is a treaty to reduce strategic nuclear weapons by two-thirds within 10 years. At first, Mr. Bush opposed a formal document, but ceded to the wishes of his "security partner," for whom this comes at just the right moment in his dealings with the military and parliament. It also shows that at least in this area agreement has been achieved "between equals." The pact between these countries creates stability and predictability for the smaller nuclear powers, particularly the communist People's Republic of China. That is useful because Mr. Bush's missile defense plans, which are not restricted by the new agreement, could still create irritation. If it is clear that Mr. Putin is no longer worried about it -- he is aware that ambitions are always confined by what is technically and financially feasible -- why then should the European Greens be so animated? Mr. Bush can also bank on the allies' applause in Paris and Rome for the reduction of warheads. Furthermore, his European tour is an opportunity to clear the discordant atmosphere of recent months by stressing what binds our countries. The resentment of the "old continent" at gung-ho leadership is caused by the United States' sharp elbows in foreign policy, and its disdain for multilateral agencies, projects and institutions. Certain governments that are close to the United States do from time to time have to grapple with such problems. Mr. Bush will not need the Europeans for everything -- but at the end of the day he will need them to achieve many things. He could help reduce the breach with certain gestures that could be deemed -- in all senses of the term -- "environmentally friendly."

To: Elsewhere who wrote (29989)	5/21/2002 5:46:44 PM
From: Elsewhere	Read Replies (3) \| Respond to of 281500

Welcome, Mr. President! By Wolfram Weimer Die Welt, May 22, 2002 welt.de ["Die Welt" publishes an article in English, very unusual.] Dear Mr. President, so here you are in the land of poets and philosophers, the country of contentious thinkers. One of these dangerous minds, Friedrich Nietzsche, famously said, „He who bestows a great gift must not expect any thanks; for the recipient is already burdened by the weight of the gift.“ Perhaps Nietzsche’s words will come back to you when you hear about today’s demonstrations and protests against the USA. Germany has indeed received great gifts from America: the twofold liberation from Nazi and Communist dictatorship, a generous helping hand and protection in days of darkness, the reunification of our country. And not only this, but an infectious attitude of liberalism and tolerance, can-do optimism and joie de vivre. Gifts that will command our gratitude for decades to come. Gifts so great that small minds can be overwhelmed by them. But let this be quite clear: The great majority of our people are definitely not on the side of the protesters. On the contrary: We are with you in the sober realization that it is our duty to combat tyranny and terrorism with courage and clarity of purpose. Even though this is no easy task. German anti-interventionism is an heirloom from our past, a reminder of our uncomfortable relationship with military might and political power. America combines democratically legitimized power with responsibility and humanitarianism. The great majority of the German people are perfectly aware of this and stand side by side with America as the last best hope of mankind in the struggle for freedom and security and our common values worldwide. The free city of Berlin knows full well what it owes America. This is where Transatlantic friendship began with Frederick the Great of Prussia; this is where the USA extended the hand of friendship to the discredited Germans after World War II; this is where humanity triumphed in the days of the Berlin Blockade. In Berlin, America drew a clear line between the Free World and Communist tyranny. In Berlin, the Cold War was finally won in the name of freedom. A divided people was able to unite in peace, proof positive that America not only demands freedom but grants it as well. The American ideal of liberty is engraved in our hearts. Mr. President, you are most heartily welcome here.