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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: calgal who wrote (257522)5/22/2002 12:20:17 AM
From: calgal  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 769670
 
Michael Kelly

May 22, 2002

W. wandering toward greatness?

Reading ``Master of the Senate,'' the third volume of the life of Lyndon Baines Johnson by the incomparable Robert Caro, one is reminded of one of the reasons politics is interesting. The men who are really great at it so often are moral monsters. Franklin Delano Roosevelt was brilliant, compassionate and brave; and above all he understood the imperative for America to be moral. But he was a shocking liar (he shocked other professional politicians). When it suited him, he was ruthless, vicious, even dictatorial; his attempt to pack the Supreme Court is shocking still.

Tom Wicker titled his 1992 biography of Richard Nixon ``One of Us,'' and Nixon was that. He was one of us--one of the better of us--in his sharp intelligence, his drive, his loyalties, his common-man patriotism, his faith in hard work. Like Roosevelt, he combined an exceptional policy imagination with great tactical skills, to transformative effects. But his virtues were--over time, increasingly--warped into qualities that we recognize with a shudder: one of us as seen in a glass, blackly.

Bill Clinton was a kind of genius at the public maneuverings and theatrics of politics. He was in important ways a visionary: like Newt Gingrich, a rival with whom he shared some virtues as well as flaws, he recognized that he stood at a moment of re-creation in the national life. But he very nearly defined moral monstrosity. Was there ever a president of such spectacular selfishness, of such relentless dishonesty, of such grotesque immaturity?

Actually, yes. And he was, at least in parts, one of the greats. In his ferocity of ambition, duplicity, appetites, brutality, egomania, LBJ set the gold standard of monsterhood. He was a dedicated sadist who studied every person he met for weak spots--and he delighted in just so, just there, driving the knife home. He was a shameless toady to those above him and a vicious bully to those below him. He was a thief of votes and an acceptor of bribes; the hundred-dollar-stuffed envelope had for him the comforting familiarity of a pocket handkerchief. He practiced ugliness as a force-multiplier. He betrayed anyone and everyone as he saw fit, from spouse to friend to Senate colleague. He was an opportunist beyond compare. And he was the father of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, the greatest piece of moral good to come out of Congress in 100 years.

The obvious point in common about the monster-greats--LBJ, FDR, Nixon, Clinton, and I would add John F. Kennedy--is that they all were maniacally driven men. They got the presidency because, in large measure, they wanted it so much that they were, in a sense, mad; they were great (BEG ITAL)because they were monsters.

What of presidents who are not monsters? These, it can be argued, fall into three groups: (1) The mediocrities: the great majority of the leaders who were not monsters but also not great. (2) The true rarities: those who actively pursued greatness and who yet managed to be both great and good (that is, non-maniacal, non-neurotic, moral); Washington, Lincoln, Theodore Roosevelt, I'd say. (3) The accidents: those who were great because greatness was thrust on them, not because they were driven to greatness.

In this last group, consider two: Dwight Eisenhower and Harry Truman. Both became presidents essentially by chance (one boosted by war fame, the other promoted by the death of the president). Neither exhibited a lifelong mania for self, and for power; rather, they were obviously non-neurotic, normal men. Ambitious, hard, ruthless, etc., but not to the point of monstrosity. Both proved to be exceptional leaders.

All of which brings up the question of George W. Bush. He is clearly not of the monster class. His critics would argue that, just as clearly, he belongs with the mediocrities. But there is by now some real evidence that he is something more than that, that he is one of the accidents, one of those who is not driven to greatness but who wander to it and rise to it.

You get the sense with Bush that he became president because he realized, once he grew up, that it was what he was supposed to do--what with dad, and all. That is very different from the sort of consuming hunger that impels the monster-greats. Different, and healthier, and sometimes the basis for its own kind of greatness. We'll see.

©2002 Washington Post Writers Group

townhall.com



To: calgal who wrote (257522)5/22/2002 12:56:21 AM
From: bonnuss_in_austin  Respond to of 769670
 
Newsday: The Bush People Know How to Run and Hide

truthout.org

The Bush People Know How to Run and Hide

May 21, 2002

.In all the verbiage that has rained down since word
leaked that President George W. Bush was warned
that Osama bin Laden's crew might hijack a plane and
strike at the United States, two words count: "No
warnings."

That is what White House spokesman Ari Fleischer
told reporters aboard Air Force One on Sept. 11. He
said it as the flames from the World Trade Center and
the Pentagon lit the sky and the office workers and
firefighters and deli-counter men were buried beneath
the molten steel.

It was a lie.

We now know, by the administration's own account,
that for at least five months before the terror attack, the
intelligence community was in an anxious tizzy over an
impending attack it believed would be "really
spectacular," in the words of one official who briefed the
White House.

Since word leaked about the infamous memo Bush
received on Aug. 6, the White House has spun another
web of lies. Fleischer and others insisted last week
that no one had ever considered the possibility of
anything other than a "traditional" hijacking. In fact the
idea that terrorists would plow a plane into a symbolic
structure had long been discussed. This precise topic
was developed from terrorist prosecutions here and
abroad. You did not need a confidential FBI memo to know this. The newspaper
would have sufficed.

Now there is an unnerving shadow that will follow Bush through his presidency. It
is not, necessarily, that the president could have done more to thwart the
calamitous plot. Who knows what was, or wasn't, possible? Everyone's failures -
at the White House, the FBI, the CIA, the FAA - will be sorted out soon enough.

But Bush lied to us, and covered up. He tries, still, to keep everything under
wraps, doggedly seeking to prevent even congressional intelligence committees
from seeing the memo. Vice President Dick Cheney, when he isn't impugning the
patriotism of duly elected officials, wants to hand-pick those committee members
worthy enough, in his view, to "have a conversation" about the memo. But not to
read it.

This is their way. Bad news is supposed to result in no news. And no news is
better than the informed consent of the governed.

We had fair notice. During the presidential campaign, when concerns that Bush
might have used drugs during his party-boy days were raised, he did not come
clean, one way or the other. He initiated a bizarre dance with reporters,
two-stepping about whether he could pass a routine background check for federal
employees. Could he pass if the check went back 15 years, or just seven?

When the campaign knew it had to confront Bush's history of excessive drinking,
it spun a tale of decline and redemption, focusing on its man's forthright decision,
after a 40th-birthday bash, to sober up. It left out the part about a drunk-driving
arrest at age 30. That came to light only when the press dug it up on the eve of
the election.

It is impossible to keep an up-to-date count of topics the administration wants
neither Congress nor the people to know about. The tally grows.

It doesn't want us to know about its meetings with energy-industry lobbyists who
helped write the energy policy. Nor the names of those it has detained since
Sept. 11, or the charges against them. Nor to get historical papers from the
long-departed Reagan administration, despite a law requiring their release.

The president's men say they want to restore the prestige of the presidency,
eroded after years of congressional pestering. This high-minded philosophy they
apply only to themselves.

The very same officials had no problem releasing to Congress e-mails from the
Clinton White House. They handed over thousands of pages of documents
relating to pardons, though the power to pardon is the president's alone and not
subject to congressional oversight. They released verbatim transcripts of former
President Bill Clinton's phone conversations with former Israeli Prime Minister
Ehud Barak, waiving the "state secret" privilege to do so.

But now it is wartime and we must keep secrets and you must trust us,
administration officials keep saying. Trouble is, they've broken the trust.

Email: cocco@newsday.com

Copyright © 2002, Newsday, Inc.

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