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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: bonnuss_in_austin who wrote (258298)5/24/2002 8:07:20 PM
From: Raymond Duray  Respond to of 769670
 
Molly Ivins: Not worth a plugged nickel to populists

dfw.com

Not worth a plugged nickel to populists Molly Ivins

AUSTIN - The financial industry has always been anathema to populists.

"Bankers all have hearts like caraway seeds" is one of the mildest populist pronouncements on the breed, and the pugnacious populist William Brann used to denounce life insurance companies as "vampire bats."

So I thought it was just me when reading the financial pages caused me to wonder, "Is there anybody in this business who is not a crook?"

I don't think it's just me.

"Republicans led by Sen. Phil Gramm of Texas and the accounting industry's trade group are working to kill a Democratic measure that would impose new rules on auditors, companies and investment banks in the wake of Enron's collapse," reports The New York Times. That would be the same Phil Gramm who got $101,350 in contributions from Enron and $927,055 from the financial industry while chairman of the banking committee.

(By way of contrast, the late Rep. Henry B. Gonzalez of Texas, a populist, accepted no contributions from the financial industry while serving as chair of the House banking committee.)

Gramm's wife served on the board of Enron, but a spokeswoman for Gramm announced that the reform bill has nothing to do with Enron and is therefore not a conflict of interest. The entire purpose of the bill, by Paul Sarbanes of Maryland, is to prevent precisely the abuses that led to the collapse of Enron.

This cheerful effort to scuttle mild financial reforms comes amid regular updates on Enron's frauds and felonies - rigging the market during the California "energy crisis," playing games with Global Crossing to disguise loans and other financial facts, etc. Try these exercises in financial fakery:

"Using prearranged but undisclosed plans, executives may sell stock without being accused of insider trading. Now regulators, worried about the use of fake plans, may force advance disclosure of them." (The New York Times)

"House Republicans are blocking an effort by Democrats to force a vote on a measure that would prevent companies from avoiding income taxes by reincorporating in Bermuda and other offshore tax havens." (the Times)

The Times' David Cay Johnson reports that despite corporate claims that moving to Bermuda is done to benefit shareholders, the biggest beneficiaries are often the chief executives of the companies.

And The Wall Street Journal, favorite reading of all good populists, is reporting abuses by the big currency traders, derivatives companies and the usual run of scoundrels and cheats.

There has been much twittering amongst liberals since David Brock's book Blinded by the Right: the Conscience of an Ex-Conservative came out as to whether there actually is a vast right-wing conspiracy. As Izzy Stone noted years ago, they don't need a conspiracy - they do it all right out in the open. It's on the front pages. But the country seems to have lost its gag reflex.

One is reminded of poor Bob Dole in the '96 campaign, crying: "Where is the outrage? Where is the outrage?" I suppose a lot of it got used up as right-wing demagogues whipped ditto-heads into a froth of fury over Whitewater, the longest-running non-scandal in history. What a tragic waste of perfectly good anger.

Another source of rampant apathy (a coinage that reminds me of New York Assembly Speaker Stanley Steingut's immortal phrase "an avalanche of creeping paralysis") is the ubiquitous feeling that there's absolutely nothing we can do about any of these advanced financial shenanigans.

No point in getting outraged if there's nothing you can do. And besides, it's all very complicated. Most of us couldn't explain how derivatives work to save our souls, or how currency trading works, or how Enron gouged California. But we do understand buying politicians.

The financial industry is so greed-driven that it doesn't have the sense God gave a duck. It's always pushing for something ruinous to itself and everybody else, like savings-and-loan deregulation or doing away with Glass-Steagall, so now insurance companies, securities firms and banks can marry one another. Naturally, they'll be "too big to fail" when they go under, so the taxpayers will have to bail them out.

Paul Krugman, the economics writer, recently inquired plaintively: "Wouldn't it be nice, just once, to see the Bush administration oppose the interests of a privileged elite?" He was referring to the administration's foot-dragging on accounting reforms and Bush's own declaration that he sides with the CEOs on not treating their stock options as a business expense. That's one of those cute little tax advantages that the rich buy for themselves with their campaign contributions. Don't forget that George W. Bush's biggest campaign donor was Ken Lay of Enron.

Edwin Sherwood once wrote me the following about Wright Patman, a great populist: "Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Instead of applying this rule to distant dictators, Patman applied it to wealthy and powerful Americans. ... Wealth too often opposes the public good in principle and practice. Do we look to Exxon for our national conscience?"



To: bonnuss_in_austin who wrote (258298)5/24/2002 8:14:56 PM
From: Raymond Duray  Respond to of 769670
 
How Can I Never Repay You? The CEO Loan Racket

ariannaonline.com

"How Can I Never Repay You? The CEO Loan Racket"
By Arianna Huffington Filed May 23, 2002

To the ever-growing mountain of evidence that corporate kingpins live in an entirely different world from the rest of us we can now add the latest revelations about the gargantuan loans CEOs receive from their companies: the $2.3 billion Adelphia Communications loaned to John Rigas and his kin, the $408 million WorldCom loaned to Bernie Ebbers, the $162 million Conseco loaned to Stephen Hilbert, the $88 million Tyco loaned to Dennis Kozlowski, and the millions upon millions in less ostentatious -- but no less outrageous - raids on company coffers by senior executives all across the corporate landscape.

And if you’re thinking that, because they’re called "loans," they bear any similarity to the terms you and I would get if we went to our local bank and asked for a loan, think again. A loan in CEO-world is very different from a loan in non-CEO world.

For starters, how about the fact these loans are approved by corporate boards more often than not beholden to the very same executives seeking the loans. Not a bad deal, if you can get it. But you can't. Those TV commercials for the Lending Tree and Ditech.com may make it look like applying for a loan is more fun than a Roman orgy, but, for most people, it's a highly stressful, and onerous ordeal. How much nicer to be able to turn to your pals, help them ink up their rubber stamp, and tap them for a few million, and then go out to lunch (expensed, to the shareholders, of course.)

Back in our world, just try calling your persnickety neighborhood banker and asking for a loan with a wildly discounted interest rate, or one, like those given to many executives, completely interest free. WorldCom, for instance, is charging Ebbers just 2.3 percent on the $408 million he owes. Before going under, Global Crossing made low interest loans of $8 million to its then-CEO Tom Casey and $1.8 million to its president, David Walsh. And Enron's "Kenny Boy" Lay was given a $7.5 million line of credit, which he could then repay with company stock he'd been given or allowed to buy at a greatly reduced price. In other words, he was given money that he could pay back with stock that he had also been given. I think that's what the imaginative bean counters at Arthur Andersen used to call a fiscally-integrated deal. Essentially, these are simply large gifts, dressed-up with paperwork and disguised as "loans." Money-laundering would be a more accurate description.

Often the busy CEO need not even dust off his calculator to try and figure out how much it will cost to pay off the umpteen millions he owes the company, as he would with a real loan. That’s because CEO loan packages are routinely forgiven -- written off as a corporate expense. Troubled E*Trade, for example, allowed CEO Christos Cotsakos to skate on the $15 million it had lent him -- a move that didn't sit very well with shareholders, who raised such a stink that Cotsakos agreed to give back part of his 2001 salary (Don't feel too bad for him, though, he could afford it having been paid $80 million last year). Senior executives at Home Depot, Compaq, and Maxtor have also been loaned millions that they won't have to repay if they stay on the job a few more years.

Amazingly, companies even forgive the loans of executives who do a lousy job. Mattel wrote off a $7 million loan to its former CEO, Jill Barad, even though the toy company's stock plummeted by more than 50 percent during her three-year tenure. And Kmart forgave the $5 million it lent to Chuck Conaway, whose shaky hand on the rudder helped steer the company to its recent bankruptcy. The loans are given to them, apparently, just for being them.

Well, you think, at least they have to pay taxes on these gifts, right? Not so fast -- the boards have thought of that, too. Many times, they often include a little extra cash just to cover the taxes that apply to forgiven loans.

Yet another important difference between insider loans and the kind you would get is the level of disclosure required. The billions Adelphia loaned to the Rigas family were made public only in a small footnote in an earnings filing. And, if that wasn't shady enough, check out the opaque language used to divulge the arrangement: "Certain subsidiaries of the company are co-borrowers with certain companies owned by the Rigas family." Adelphia's accountants deserve every dime they get for figuring out how to make a smoking gun look like a bouquet of daisies. The footnote went on to assert --without even an attempt at an explanation -- that even though the massive loan was not shown on the company's balance sheet, nevertheless, Adelphia (meaning, the shareholders) was on the hook for $2.3 billion if it wasn't repaid.

It's a neat trick, though, somehow, I've got a feeling it won't work as well for the rest of us. But why not give it a try next time you apply for a loan? When they ask you to list all your liabilities, just put a little asterisk, and down at the bottom of the form, in very small letters, write in: "Certain subsidiaries of my family -- ie my wife and children -- are co-borrowers with certain companies -- ie credit, car, insurance, etc -- of certain assets that, if included on the family balance sheet, would result in a certain lack of positive cash flow, ie debt. Sort of."

To put the legal larceny of the CEO club in context, Adelphia's $2.3 billion loan to the Rigas clan is roughly three times what America is currently giving in foreign aid to all of sub-Saharan Africa. And it took Bono and years of international protests for western governments to even begin to consider forgiving Third World debt. But a CEO who can't pay back his loan is likely to be slapped on the back and told, "Ah, hey, forget about it."

So here is the question aching for an answer: how can all this be legal? How can corporate executives legally use the balance sheet of a public company as their own personal piggy bank? Doesn't the balance sheet belong to the shareholders? And don't CEOs have a fiduciary obligation to them? How then can they legally write their own checks for ridiculous amounts -- often from companies that are troubled and can't afford it, and at the expense of shareholders who can't prevent it? I'd like to know, and so, no doubt, would millions of shareholders.