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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (32097)6/11/2002 12:02:08 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 281500
 
In the gulf with Rumsfeld. "U S News and World Report"

Reporter's Notebook
Traveling with Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld

By Mark Mazzetti
Monday, June 10, 2002

MANAMA, BAHRAIN: Beads of sweat formed slowly on the brow of the defense secretary, a grey flannel suit wading in a sea of blue coveralls. Donald Rumsfeld came to the steamy deck of the U.S.S. Carney, a Navy destroyer docked in the Persian Gulf, to thank American sailors for their vigilance and sacrifices since September 11. Yet he was also there to put them on notice that the war on terrorism is in a new phase, a phase that could put those on the Carney and all those in striking distance of Iraq on the front lines.

Rumsfeld is flying around Mr. Hussein's neighborhood. And he is taking time to thank the neighborhood watch,the more than 17,500 U.S. troops based in Kuwait, Bahrain and Qatar, for helping keep the local bully in check. On Sunday, Rumsfeld visited Camp Doha, Kuwait, which is a mere 35 miles from the Iraqi border, to rally the Army forces, the latest troops to rotate through this outpost in the blistering desert sun. They are the ones, in Rumsfeld's words, who stand "between freedom and fear, between our people and a dangerous adversary that cannot be appeased and cannot be ignored and cannot be allowed to win."

If Saddam cannot be ignored, the way to deal with him remains very much up in the air. To be sure, the military presence in the region since the Gulf War has succeeded at "keeping Saddam in the box." Yet what now concerns the Bush administration is what he is doing inside that box. Rumsfeld has used his trip abroad to build the case that the war on terrorism ought not just be a war against shadowy terrorist networks, but also against nation-states that sponsor terrorism by developing weapons of mass destruction. At a press conference in Kuwait, the defense secretary spoke of Iraq's efforts to build chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons. "I don't know what other kinds of weapons would fall under the rubric of weapons of mass destruction" he said. "But if there are more, I suspect they are developing them as well." As for claims by the Iraqi government that the country abandoned such programs long ago? "Not true, inaccurate, and typical."

Rumsfeld denies that the trip is a pulse check for an upcoming military operation against Iraq, and his disdain for the Iraqi dictator is certainly no secret. Yet his words were not merely the hawkish rhetoric of a defense secretary rallying the troops. They are part of a coordinated effort on the part of the Bush Administration to build a case for regime change in Iraq, something which could be a tough sell at home and abroad.

In the absence of direct evidence linking Iraq to the September 11 attacks, U.S. officials are trying to make the connection between states that build WMD and any future attacks. Their conclusion: The battle must be taken to those nations, like Iraq, whose workshops fashion the tools of terrorism. "One has to assume, we just have to assume, we have no choice but to assume, that within a relatively short period of time, terrorist networks like al Qaeda will have access to weapons of mass destruction," Rumsfeld told the cheering crowd at Camp Doha. In other words, Saddam Hussein is just as eligible a target in the war on terrorism as Osama bin Laden.

Yet convincing Saddam's Arab neighbors of this, even strong U.S. allies like Kuwait, could take a deft diplomatic effort. Defense officials on the trip downplayed Kuwait's very public reconciliation with Iraq at the Arab summit in March, during which Iraq pledged not to invade Kuwait in exchange for a Kuwaiti pronouncement that a U.S. invasion of Iraq would be an attack against all Arab states. Rumsfeld characterized the move as "like the lion inviting the chicken into an embrace." (If the grim visaged Kuwaiti general standing behind Rumsfeld was insulted at being likened to a chicken, his stoic expression didn't show it.) What's missing, however, is a plan to tame that lion.



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (32097)6/11/2002 8:42:44 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 281500
 
I have got some grief here when I have "Bad Mouthed" the Near East desk at the State Department, and said they were very pro-arab. Here is a good example of why I feel that way. From todays "WSJ.com" editorial.

WITH FRIENDS LIKE THESE
Saudi Arabia's American Captives
The State Department is complicit in a kidnapping.

BY WILLIAM MCGURN
Tuesday, June 11, 2002 12:01 a.m.

When Pat Roush wants to show off her daughters, she reaches for an old Christmas photo. It's the classic family snapshot: two happy little girls in front of the tree, holding matching Pound Puppies--gifts from Santa--over their heads.

Exactly one month later, Miss Roush would lay out their black Mary Janes and party dresses for a birthday bash the girls had been looking forward to. It was a party they would never make. Kidnapped by their estranged father, seven-year-old Alia and her three-year-old sister, Aisha, were already on their way to Saudi Arabia.

That was 1986, and the sisters, now young women, remain there still. They have not seen their mother since, except for one heart-wrenching two-hour meeting in 1995 where Alia, clad in the black abaya, begged her mother, "Please, Mama, don't leave us here!" In the meantime, Alia has been married off; each has been converted to Islam; and both remain under an effective life sentence in a land whose law forbids them to leave without the written permission of a father or husband.

"I'm proud America has liberated Afghan women from the Wahhabi yoke," says Miss Roush, referring to the brand of Islam Osama bin Laden and the Taliban share with the Saudis. "But what about America's own daughters? When does liberation come for my girls?"

Good question. Until very recently hers was only another hard-luck tale. But 9/11 has dramatically changed the backdrop. For 16 years, the Saudi desk at the State Department has told her, "Let's look at this from a Saudi's point of view." But tomorrow the House Government Reform Committee will hold hearings that will finally look at her case from an explicitly American point of view.

Plainly the testimony will not be kind to a Saudi Arabia now in the midst of a PR campaign designed to persuade Americans that 15 of 19 hijackers carrying Saudi passports should be nothing between friends. But the grilling may be more embarrassing to State, especially when Congress hears how Americans in distress were treated when they cried out--often literally--for help. A taunt from a representative of the governor of Riyadh to Miss Roush sums up the signal received by the Saudis: "Your State Department won't help you, and your government doesn't want you."

<http://opinionjournal.com/taste/12-21rousch.gif> Alia and Aisha's tragedy began on a snowy Super Bowl Sunday in 1986 just outside Chicago. By that time Pat Roush had split with her Saudi husband, Khalid Gheshayan, whom she had met as a student in California; Gheshayan's record during his years in America shows several arrests and a hospital diagnosis of alcoholism and paranoid schizophrenia.

Though Pat had secured a divorce and custody of the children, she did let her husband see his daughters when he returned to America. On the day in question, she was readying herself for the birthday party in the girls' bedroom. She glanced at Alia's Brownie handbook on a nightstand, and suddenly felt a hollow pain in her stomach. When she called Gheshayan and he didn't answer, she raced over the building where he'd taken up residence.

In the grocery store below, a young child told her, "He took them away in a taxi and they didn't want to go." Days later, her husband would call to tell her their daughters were in Saudi Arabia. A few months later, the Saudi governor's office would make a tape--in the presence of the U.S. consul general--in which a glazed-looking Alia said, "I hate the United States" and "My mother hates me and my sister."

Since then Miss Roush, a nurse, has spent almost every waking moment badgering diplomats, pushing for legislation, putting holds on ambassadors, picketing the Saudi Embassy, even hiring mercenaries. With a few, brave exceptions, however, American officialdom has seen her as a nuisance. How much easier their jobs would be if this woman would simply write her daughters off.

Still, twice she has come close to getting them out. The first time was in 1986, when pressure from Illinois Sen. Alan Dixon resulted in a deal that would have reunited the two tiny Americans with their mom. But the deal broke down after the higher-ups in Foggy Bottom cabled the ambassador that he was not to be present at the deal, on the grounds that the U.S. must remain "impartial."

The second time came under the girls' other champion, Ambassador Ray Mabus. Appointed by Bill Clinton, the former Mississippi governor made no bones that he wanted the girls back in America, referring to Gheyashan as a criminal, cutting off all U.S. visas for his family and pushing hard for a resolution. He too worked one out, but left for America before it was seen through, never dreaming that it would all come crashing down in his absence.

"This was never about Saudi law and customs," says Mr. Mabus. "It was about American law. This is a man [Gheshayan] who voluntarily put himself under American law, got married under American law, was divorced under American law and then broke that law."

The governor adds that his push for the rights of these American citizens never hurt the bilateral relationship. To the contrary, he believes that "one of the main jobs of embassies is to protect American citizens and uphold American law."

And lest people think that Miss Roush exaggerates, the House will hear supporting testimony from other women caught in the Saudi vise. Exhibit A is Dria Davis. When Dria was just 11 years old, she too was held in Saudi Arabia by a father who wouldn't let her return to America. When she begged the U.S. Embassy for help, they told her there was nothing they could do. "I was confused," she says. "I just kept asking, 'Why?'"

Tomorrow, Congress will play tapes Dria's mother secretly made of emotional phone conversations during her daughter's captivity, with Dria tearfully relating how her father shrieked at her, calling her a "bitch," and screaming for her mother to "get me out of here, they are going to kill me." Abused by her father, abandoned by her country, this intrepid teenager ultimately pulled off her own escape, via Bahrain, when she was just 13.

When set against the larger war on terrorism, the plight of a handful of American women may appear small potatoes. And there are undoubtedly any number of people who regard Miss Roush's campaign for her daughters a distraction from larger issues. But after 16 years, the answer to that should be obvious: If not now, when?

The State Department understandably bristles at the accusation that it is indifferent to the plight of fellow Americans such as Alia and Aisha. But the problem is not that State hasn't done anything. The problem is that everything the State Department has done has been done within the parameters set by Saudi law. Thus do we signal that our "special relationship" is more important than two American daughters--and then we are surprised that the Saudis are so uncooperative in, say, the Khobar Towers investigation.

Meanwhile Pat Roush refuses to give up hope, knowing that the only thing her forgotten daughters have going for them is a mother's love. She keeps everything from their childhood--Alia's Brownie uniform, a fingerpainting from Aisha, their Pound Puppies--in the hope that she might someday show them she's never stopped fighting for them.

At the official level, the American response is always that this is a complicated matter. But privately the whispers are that all it would really take is for President Bush to let Crown Prince Abdullah know he wants his two citizens to come to America, where they can then decide for themselves where they want to live without fear of reprisal. As one State representative conceded to a congressional staffer, in terms of U.S. representation, Alia and Aisha would be better off if they were convicted criminals.

The bitter irony is not lost on Miss Roush. "In Peru, President Bush raised the case of Lori Berenson," she sighs. "If an American woman convicted of aiding guerrillas is worthy of the president's concern, shouldn't he be able to say something about two American women serving a life sentence even though they've never done anything wrong?"
Mr. McGurn is The Wall Street Journal's chief editorial writer.