SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : The Donkey's Inn -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Mephisto who wrote (3982)6/20/2002 2:15:42 AM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 


Peace may be a better plan than "striking first"


June 19, 2002, 11:20PM

Online Special: Molly Ivins

"

By MOLLY IVINS
Creators Syndicate
Houston Chronicle

AUSTIN -- "Jaw, jaw," said Winston Churchill, "is better than war, war."

I bring up the not-often-contested notion that peace is better than war only because it seems
the Bush administration is incapable of grasping the self-evident. According to The New York
Times, President Bush has directed his top security people -- a happy nest of neo-con hawks
-- "to make a doctrine of pre-emptive action against states and terrorist groups trying to
develop weapons of mass destruction." This means, we declare war first. This dogma "will be
the foundation of a new national security strategy."


Let's see, we already have our military in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan,
Tajikistan, Georgia and the Philippines. We are also deeply into Colombia as part of the Drug
War and have fairly regular deployment by special ops in Somalia, Iraq, Syria and Yemen.

Good thing for India and Pakistan they made it into the Nuclear Club before the deadline,
eh? Let's see, add Iran, North Korea and some of the nuttier princes, kings, sheiks,
presidents-for-life -- I make that between 20 and 30 wars we'll have to fight under the new
doctrine.

Then you have to add in all the "failed states." The administration says it is "fine-tuning" the
doctrine to include joint operations with other powers: "Potential targets include weak states
that have become, in the words of one official, Tpetri dishes' for terrorist groups." You can't
exactly have a war between, say, Sierra Leone and the United States. When there's no actual
government, we end up trying to control a bunch of warlords -- and, as we have learned in
Somalia and Afghanistan, it ain't easy. The trouble with such non-wars is that there's no exit
strategy; we're in for indefinite occupation.

Do we really think this is a good idea?

OK, what we're really trying to do here is set up some policy rationale for attacking Iraq and
possibly the other Axes of Evil, as well. It's not that easy to argue against taking out Saddam.
But as Joshua Marshall points out in the current issue of The Washington Monthly, the
people who are urging us to attack Iraq are either dishonest or simplistic, or both, in their
arguments.

They are failing to ask, much less answer, some basic questions about the risks. Their
cheerful premise that it will relatively easy to take out Saddam is based on their equally
cheerful ignorance.


Ken Adelman was recently asked on television one of those major "what if" questions and
actually replied, "Don't worry about that."

That is not an answer. As Jonathan Kwitny once observed, "Anyone who has ever been in a
war knows nothing goes according to plan from the moment the first shot is fired." Or as
they say in the military, "Hope is not a plan."

What the hawks hope is that the Iraqi people hate Saddam Hussein and will be delighted to
see us show up and liberate them. Unfortunately, we'll have to bomb them first. In case you
hadn't noticed, this tends to make us unpopular.

Marshall reports, "When asked what would happen if America encountered an embittered
civilian population after fighting a grisly battle for Baghdad, Perle replied with a question,
TSuppose the Iraqis are dancing in the streets after Saddam is gone?'" That non-answer is
based on the false premise that if the Iraqis hate Saddam, they're bound to love us, which is
nonsense.

Asked about the possibility that an attack on Iraq would so upset Arab peoples they would
overthrow now-friendly governments in Jordan, Egypt and Saudi Arabia, the neo-cons
dismiss the question. "All the better if you ask me," Adelman told Marshall. What's better
about having Islamist fanatics running Egypt and Saudi Arabia?

If we're going to do this, I suggest the administration prepare the country for exactly how big
the risks are. Unfortunately, it seems more inclined to question the patriotism of anyone
who asks questions.

As for the longer menu of war and near-war under the Bush Doctrine, why not try peace
instead? The hope of the world has been the slow growth and development of international
law. Announcing that we will declare war "pre-emptively" whenever we feel like it does
nothing to promote peace. What makes us think our intelligence is good enough to learn if
and where such weapons are being developed? When Clinton tried to go after Al Qaeda, he
missed Osama bin Ladin by an hour and destroyed a harmless pharmaceutical factory in
Sudan. The FBI, the CIA and the rest of them managed to ignore the warning signs on 9-11.
We're not competent enough to go around declaring "pre-emptive war."

Why not announce in advance that we plan to work with other countries on solving the
problem of terrorism. Why not try waging peace first?

A.J. Muste said, "There is no way to peace: Peace is the way." What can this doctrine possibly
achieve except creating more hatred of the United States?

chron.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (3982)7/7/2002 12:58:12 AM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 15516
 
U.S. drafting 3-front attack against Iraq

iht.com

Eric Schmitt The New York Times
Saturday, July 6, 2002

Plan entails 250,000 troops and invasion from
Kuwait


WASHINGTON An American military planning
document calls for air, land and sea-based forces
to attack Iraq from three directions - the north,
south and west - in a campaign to topple
President Saddam Hussein, according to a person
familiar with the document.

The document envisions tens of thousands of
Marines and soldiers probably invading from
Kuwait. Hundreds of warplanes based in as many
as eight countries, possibly including Turkey and
Qatar, would unleash a huge air assault against
thousands of targets, including airfields, roads
and fiber-optics communications sites.


Special forces or covert CIA operatives would strike
at depots or laboratories storing or manufacturing
Iraq's suspected weapons of mass destruction and
the missiles to launch them. None of the countries
identified in the document as possible staging
areas have been formally consulted about playing
such a role, officials said, underscoring the
preliminary nature of the planning.

Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld visited U.S.
bases in Kuwait and Qatar and the 5th Fleet in
Bahrain on his most recent trip to the Gulf region
in June.

The existence of the document that outlined
significant aspects of a "concept" for a war against
Iraq as it stood about two months ago indicates an
advanced state of planning in the military even
though President George W. Bush continues to
state in public and to U.S. allies that he has no
fine-grain war plan on his desk for the invasion of
Iraq.

But the concept for such a plan is now highly
evolved and is apparently working its way through
military channels. Once a consensus is reached
on the concept, the steps toward assembling a
final war plan and, most importantly, the element
of timing for ground deployments and
commencement of an air war represent the final
sequencing that Bush will have to decide.

The Central Command document does not contain
a time line of when U.S. forces could start flowing
to the Gulf or how long it would take to put all the
forces in place. Nor does it answer one of the big
questions administration officials are wrestling
with: How will Saddam react if there is a large
buildup of conventional forces, such as the United
States had in the Gulf War?

"The Iraqis aren't just going to sit on their butts
while we put in 250,000 people," a military
analyst said.

Bush has received at least two briefings from
General Tommy Franks, the head of the Central
Command, on the broad outlines, or "concept of
operations," for a possible attack against Iraq. The
most recent briefing was June 19, according to
the White House.

"Right now, we're at the stage of conceptual
thinking and brainstorming," a senior defense
official said. "We're pretty far along."

The highly classified document, "CentCom
Courses of Action," was prepared by planners at
the Central Command in Tampa, Florida,
according to the person familiar with the
document.

Officials say it has already undergone revisions
but is a snapshot of an important, but preliminary
stage, in a comprehensive process that translates
broad ideas into the detailed, step-by-step
blueprint for combat operations that the Pentagon
defines as a "war plan."

Still, the document, compiled in a long set of
briefing slides, offers a rare glimpse into the inner
sanctum of the war planners assigned to think
about options for defeating Iraq.

"It is the responsibility of the Department of
Defense to develop contingency plans and, from
time to time, to update them," said Victoria
Clarke, the Pentagon spokeswoman. "In fact, we
have recently issued new general planning
guidance, and that generates activity at the staff
level."

Officials said neither Rumsfeld, nor the Joint
Chiefs of Staff or Franks had been briefed on this
specific document as yet.

The source familiar with the document described
its contents to The New York Times on condition of
anonymity, expressing frustration that the
planning reflected at least in this set of briefing
slides was insufficiently creative and failed to
incorporate fully the advances in tactics and
technology that the military has made since the
Gulf War in 1991.

Administration officials say they are still weighing
options other than war to dislodge Saddam. But
most military and administration officials believe
that a coup in Iraq would be unlikely to succeed
and that a proxy battle using local forces would
not be enough to drive the Iraqi leader from
power.

Nothing in the Central Command document or in
interviews with senior military officials suggests
that an attack on Iraq is imminent. Indeed, senior
administration officials continue to say that any
offensive would probably be delayed until early
next year, allowing time to create the right
military, economic and diplomatic conditions.

Nonetheless, there are several signs that the
military is preparing for a major air campaign and
land invasion.

Thousands of Marines from the 1st Marine
Expeditionary Force at Camp Pendleton,
California, the unit designated for the Gulf, have
stepped up their mock assault drills, a Pentagon
adviser said. The military is building up bases in
several Gulf states, including a major airfield in
Qatar called Al Udeid. Thousands of U.S. troops
are already stationed in the region.

After running dangerously low on
precision-guided bombs during the war in
Afghanistan, the Pentagon has said it has stepped
up production of critical munitions. The air force
is stockpiling weapons, ammunition and spare
parts at depots in the United States and in the
Middle East.

"We don't know when or where the next
contingency will be," General Lester Lyles, head of
the Air Force Matériel Command, said in an
interview this week. "But we want to fill up the
stock bins."

The Central Command document, as described by
the source familiar with it, is significant not just
for what it contains, but also for what it leaves out.

The document describes in precise detail specific
Iraqi bases, surface-to-air missile sites, air defense
networks and fiber-optics communications to be
attacked.

"The target list is so huge it's almost egregious,"
the source said. "It's obvious that we've been
watching these guys for an awfully long time."

Dozens of slides are devoted to organizational
details, like the precise tonnage of American
munitions stored at various bases around the
Gulf, deployment time lines for troops leaving East
and West Coast ports for the Gulf region and the
complexities of interwoven intelligence,
surveillance and reconnaissance networks.

The document does not mention other coalition
forces, casualty estimates, how Saddam may
himself be a target or what political regime might
follow the Iraqi leader if a U.S.-led attack was
successful, the source said.

It describes the number of Marine and army
divisions, air expeditionary forces, and aircraft
carriers. These and other forces add up to as many
as 250,000 troops, the source familiar with the
document said, but there is little detail about
those forces beyond that.