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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: MSI who wrote (265689)6/20/2002 6:30:50 PM
From: CYBERKEN  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769670
 
The market may well decline until reasonable investors are finally convinced that the oak stake has been driven through the heart of Clintonism for good, and that the infection we have seen in the private sector is receding. A huge Democrat defeat in 2002 will go a long way toward righting the American ship, that was so misguided from 1993 to 2001...



To: MSI who wrote (265689)6/20/2002 7:20:35 PM
From: Raymond Duray  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 769670
 
GOODBYE HABEUS CORPUS

washingtonpost.com

The I-Said-So Test Thursday, June 20, 2002; Page A22

"A court's inquiry should come to an end once the military has shown ... that it has determined that the detainee is an enemy combatant. ... [T]he court may not second-guess the military's enemy-combatant determination."

THESE WORDS were not written by some petty dictator whose kangaroo courts rubber-stamp his every whim and whose whims may include locking up citizens he regards as enemies. They were filed yesterday by the U.S. Department of Justice before the 4th Circuit Court of Appeals in Richmond in the case of Yaser Esam Hamdi. Mr. Hamdi is probably an American citizen, captured in Afghanistan and currently held without charge at a military base in Norfolk. He is not a sympathetic character, but that should not obscure the extraordinary power President Bush is claiming for himself in Mr. Hamdi's case: the right to detain without trial American citizens forever with no meaningful judicial review.

The government's aggressive position in this matter is unnecessary. There is little doubt a court would find Mr. Hamdi, as the government alleges, an enemy combatant, and there is clear precedent for holding such combatants even if they are U.S. citizens. It is unclear how such precedents should be applied in the context of an undeclared war of indefinite duration against a non-state actor, a subject that will require careful balancing over time. But only the most doctrinaire civil libertarian would demand the release at this stage of someone bent on doing great harm to this country.

But instead of establishing in court that Mr. Hamdi is being held lawfully, the government is fighting with all its strength to keep Mr. Hamdi from challenging his detention at all. For starters, it is holding him incommunicado and has prevented him from talking to a lawyer -- contending that access to counsel would interfere with his interrogation. When Federal Public Defender Frank Dunham sought to challenge Mr. Hamdi's incarceration for him, a judge ordered that he be allowed to speak to Mr. Hamdi. But the government persuaded the 4th Circuit to step in, arguing that Mr. Dunham -- never having met Mr. Hamdi -- could not properly file an action on his behalf; a classic Catch-22, since the government won't let him meet his would-be client. Mr. Dunham responded by filing an action on behalf of Mr. Hamdi's father. The judge once again ordered that he be allowed to meet with Mr. Hamdi. But the government asked the 4th Circuit to intervene again.

In its argument this time, the Justice Department acknowledges formally that the courts retain the authority to review a petition challenging the legality of a citizen's detention -- a basic tenet of U.S. liberty. But it contends that military detainees, even citizens, have "no right of access to counsel to challenge their detention." Moreover, the role of the courts in considering any challenges is "extremely narrow"; generally, a court "should accept the military's determination that a detainee is an enemy combatant." At most, "a court could only require the military to point to some evidence supporting its determination." The court cannot look beyond the evidence the government claims to have.

If this is correct, any American could be locked up indefinitely, without a lawyer, on the president's say-so. You don't have to believe that Mr. Hamdi is innocent to see grave peril in this. The Constitution's checks and balances don't contemplate blind trust in the wisdom or good faith of the president. And the courts must not acquiesce in Mr. Bush's claim that they are powerless to ensure the lawfulness of presidential behavior.



To: MSI who wrote (265689)6/20/2002 9:58:22 PM
From: Raymond Duray  Respond to of 769670
 
DY-NASTIES! BUSH FEATHERS THE RIGHT'S BEDS

thenation.com

July 8, 2002

DYNASTIES! by Kevin Phillips

Maybe it's time for a new set of Fourth of July orations. Only at first blush is there silliness to the idea of the United States--the nation of the Minutemen, John and Samuel Adams and Thomas Jefferson--becoming a hereditary economic aristocracy. When you think about it, there is evidence for serious concern.

More than a decade ago, the United States passed France to have the highest inequality ratios of any major Western nation. More and more of the country's richest clans have been setting up family offices, captive trust companies and other devices to manage and entrench their swelling fortunes. The elimination of the inheritance tax being sought by the Bush Administration will only make that entrenchment easier.

Politically, we already have a dynasty at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue: the first son ever to take the presidency just eight years after it was held by his father, with the same party label. This dynasticism also has its economic side: both Bushes, père et fils, having been closely involved with the rise of Enron, another first for a presidential family, more on which shortly.

If we lack an official House of Lords, there are Bushes, Tafts, Simons, Rockefellers, Gores, Kennedys and Bayhs out to create a kindred phenomenon. Laura Bush is the only wife of a 1996 or 2000 major-party presidential nominee who has not yet entertained seeking a US Senate seat in her own right. The duchesses of Clinton, Dole and Gore have already considered (or acted).

A soft, blurry kind of cultural corruption has all but muted discussion. Dynasty is no longer a bad word, and in the wake of this semantic revision, the inheritance tax supported by Presidents from Lincoln to FDR has been renamed the "death tax" by George II and may be heading toward extinction. Small-business men from Maine to San Diego are already dreaming of founding personal dynasties, built on lobsters-by-mail or Buick dealerships.

Progressive taxation--only a memory for most--died in the 1980s as regressive FICA taxes replaced income levies as the heaviest tax paid by a majority of American families. The First Amendment to the US Constitution, in turn, is not far from being twisted by the courts to include fat-cat political donations within the protection of free speech. Cynics might suggest that George Orwell set his book 1984 two decades too early.

But democracy is being eroded more by money and its power than by skilled semantics. For want of insights and data often unobtainable from the corporate media, the public opinion vital to US democracy has trouble remaining vigorous and informed. Many politicians are themselves part of the national economic elite, and others depend on that elite for campaign funding. History tells us that America overcame kindred problems in the Progressive era a century ago. That the nation will to do so again, however, is hardly clear.

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