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Strategies & Market Trends : India Coffee House -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: JPR who wrote (12315)6/21/2002 8:55:31 PM
From: ChinuSFO  Respond to of 12475
 
Saturday, June 22, 2002

Just thaw and serve

The one message that Defence Minister George Fernandes sent out all of last week was that infiltration along the border has come down. On Thursday, he went a step further and stated that it had ‘‘almost stopped and whatever little infiltration is still there will also end’’. These words speak of an optimism that would have been unthinkable even two weeks ago. Clearly, the process of de-escalation set in motion by the Armitage-Rumsfeld visits — which was premised on General Musharraf’s promise to permanently end cross-border terrorism — is running on course. The ordinance promulgated by Musharraf to regulate the functioning of madrassas is part of this process.

While the Indian government has consciously adopted a cautious wait-and-watch policy and is certainly not in any rush to pull back its army from the border, the acknowledgement that there is forward movement is in itself significant. Significant, not just for Indo-Pak relations but for — what is arguably even more important today — the Kashmir elections. Here two other developments that occurred recently need to be tagged — Chief Election Commissioner J.M. Lyngdoh’s promise on Monday of a free and fair election and the indirect response from the All Party Hurriyat Conference of jettisoning its own ‘election commission’ and suggesting that it send a delegation over to Pakistan to urge militants there to agree to a ceasefire. Interestingly, the latter suggestion met with a cautious endorsement from Fernandes, even as Syed Salahuddin of the PoK-based United Jihad Council, rejected it. Clearly, New Delhi has discovered the virtues of subtlety, of not appearing too dogmatic, in its approach to solving the Kashmir problem. There is also the recognition that a credible election process in J&K, which the whole world is watching closely, is the key.

There are two obstacles that the Vajpayee government would do well to anticipate. First, of course, is the possibility of the cycle of violence reasserting itself. There are many vested interests, within the state and across the border, which would like nothing better than a Kaluchak-type operation occurring again. While every effort must be made to see that this does not happen, the government must craft an extremely considered response to it, should it take place. Second, the BJP’s political imperative of courting and encouraging hawkish popular opinion must not be allowed to scuttle the government’s initiatives on deescalation and Kashmir. Somehow party and government would have to seek ways to appear more in sync than they have thus far. This would mean asking the more hyperactive within the party to pipe down. What is at stake goes far beyond a mere party agenda — it is, in fact, a national agenda.

URL: indian-express.com



To: JPR who wrote (12315)6/22/2002 8:38:14 AM
From: JPR  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 12475
 
The Jilted-Lover Syndrome : A Self-Portrait --JPR
This is an extract from the Dawn article and JPR's note is identified as such.
Dawn.com opinion page
Indo-US partnership and Pakistan
Now, in June 2002, Pakistan stands on the sidelines as Washington and New Delhi are steadily developing their strategic partnership that was put on the backburner, at least while Operation Enduring Freedom was in progress. That strategic partnership looks ominous from the Pakistan perspectives. If it continues-as it appears to be-it will not be long before Pakistan will conclude that the United States is once again using it to fulfil its long-range strategic purpose in southern Asia, in which Washington views it as a mere pawn.

Thus, the nuclearization of South Asia, at least for now, seems to be serving India's aspirations to be taken seriously by China as well as the United States as a major Asian power.

Under Bush, the two democracies were to go a long way toward developing close military ties. The 9/11 terrorist attacks on the US seemed to have only served as a temporary diversion in America's resolve to develop that strategic partnership. The outcome of that resolve emerged in the form of an extensive series of meetings between the two governments.

Flash a few dollar bills: The monkey and the peanuts-JPR
Sprinkling of a few million dollars of economic assistance here and there (by the U.S.)- which his predecessor, General Zia ul-Haq, has famously described in another era as "mere peanuts" - will not do. …Indo-U.S. cooperative endeavours alter the balance of power in South Asia. An immediate answer is that they promise to alter it in a very substantial way in favour of India.

The jilted-lover syndrome Ever in search of Sugar Daddy who would pay the bills--JPR
The US has had a long and sad history of using Pakistan and then discarding it, and generally remaining oblivious to Pakistan's strategic interests in the region, especially in relation to its chief antagonist, India. That tradition still seems to be driving the Bush administration's current pro-Indian predilections in South Asia.

It sees India, although a democratic state, as very Machiavellian in its approach to Pakistan. India was substantially responsible for the dismantlement of the eastern wing of Pakistan, which is now Bangladesh. One can only understand how supercilious the Indians feel about that act when one still hears them describe the
dismantlement of East Pakistan as "liberation" of Bangladesh.

A demand-beggar syndrome and live on payoffs-what a life for a country of Punkistan--JPR
As Pakistan examines its own options, it seems to have two potential choices of simultaneous pursuit. First, it can continue to rely on China, and hope that the Sino-Indian regional rivalry remains a major source of military and economic payoffs from China. Given the continued nature of the tense U.S.-China ties, Pakistan has every reason to hope that Beijing will not lower the significance of its strategic ties with Islamabad.



To: JPR who wrote (12315)6/23/2002 9:20:37 AM
From: JPR  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 12475
 
Kalam and Vajpayee, the Two Poets at the Helm

Can somebody enlighten me on this: a few of the top nuclear pakistani scientists were immigrants from India.--JPR

Dawn.com opinion page

23 June 2002 Sunday 11 Rabi-us-Saani 1423

Kalam, Salam and A.Q. Khan

By Kunwar Idris

The danger of an armed conflict between India and Pakistan may have lessened but their propaganda war has heightened. Mobilizing troops may have cost India more but it is a small price to pay to win on the propaganda front, which indeed it has.

New Delhi has succeeded in making the world believe that the cause of discontent and bloodletting in Kashmir is not the repression by India but the terrorists coming from Pakistan. The long-standing issue of the people's right to self-determination has thus been reduced to terrorism.

What turn of opinion and events could be sadder for a people who have struggled for their right of free choice for 54 years and lost 50,000 or more lives in the past 13 years. Yet Gen Musharraf is content that Kashmir has come into world focus as it did never before. So also was Nawaz Sharif after the retreat from Kargil. Disillusionment followed. Could it be any different this time round remains a troubling question. Perhaps it wouldn't be.

The murder of a thousand Muslims in Gujarat while the law enforcers looked the other way and the chief minister remaining unchanged and unrepentant had called into question India's claims of just and equal treatment of its minorities. Yet the world concern was muted because the riots were triggered by the death of 58 radical Hindus in a train fire set by a Muslim mob.

Kalam is Indian first and Indian last and there is no need to inject religion or caste in this context.--JPR

All the sordid happenings in Gujrat, still in progress, and on a lesser scale elsewhere in India, have gone out of the world view and India's secularism stands refurbished by the nomination of Dr A.P.J. Abdul Kalam as the country's next president by a Hindu nationalist party with all the rest, but the maverick Marxists, concurring. The world is impressed that a Muslim is succeeding a Dalit, an untouchable, as the constitutional head of the world's largest democracy. The damage done to India's image by Chief Minister Narindra Modi of Gujarat is more than repaired by his party boss Atal Behari Vajpayee's decision in favour of Kalam as the president of India.

Presenting a contrast to that is much smaller Pakistan where, even when it is not ruled by the military, no non-Muslim can become the head of state or of government because of a constitutional bar, nor hold any other important public office because of prejudice or suspicion.

Even when it is governed by a coalition led by a militantly Hindu BJP, India has tried to show to the world that whether it is the making of destructive missiles or safeguarding its constitution in a crisis, the religion of a person is irrelevant.In that scenario, the periodic massacres of Muslims and their continuing deprivation recede into the background. The unverified figure reported is that the share of the Indian Muslims in the national economy and services is just about one-fourth of what it should be in proportion to their numbers.

When it comes to the place of scientists in national life and their influence in government, two of our own, Dr Abdus Salam and Dr Abdul Qadeer Khan, inevitably come to mind. A.Q. Khan dominated Pakistan's missile and nuclear programme for almost quarter of a century. So has Abdul Kalam India's. But no two persons could be more different.

Abdul Kalam is said to lead a reclusive life in a two-room apartment in Chennai (Madras) which he doesn't own. He alternately looks like a hermit and a bohemian. Books and musical instruments are his companions. When he is not engaged in scientific research he writes poetry in his mother tongue, Tamil. He is respected for his extreme simplicity and easy access.

Our A.Q. Khan is the very opposite. The gossip could never agree on the number of houses he owns, but undisputed is his villa on the eastern edge of Islamabad's Margalla lake in the capital's green belt. A colony of houses grew around it. The CDA's demolition squad that went into action had to spare all the homes because Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif intervened to save AQK's. He was a toast of Islamabad's social circles and an icon in the countryside. At one stage his deputy, Dr Mubarik Mand, called him a hoax, a metallurgist masquerading as a nuclear expert. Removed from the Kahuta laboratories named after him, he has sunk unsung into near-oblivion, though he remains an adviser to the government.

Dr Abdul Kalam is called "a 200 per cent Indian" who has made India proud in myriad ways. Dr Abdus Salam, a Pakistani by a larger percentage, made the world proud but not his own country. A professor at London's Imperial College at the age of 31 and at 33 the youngest member of that exclusive club of eminence, the Royal Society, he expounded his theory of unification of forces of nature in a mathematical equation which, on confirmation several years later in CERN experiments won him a Nobel Prize in 1979.

On his death the world's best known newspaper, The Times of London, wrote the world of science had lost "one of its most distinguished and respected members and a man of outstanding creative ability... In addition to his brilliant intellectual gifts, Salam was a man of remarkable vision and energy who played a major role in developing science throughout the world."

But in his own country, Salam could not persuade Ziaul Haq to create a fund for the teaching of science to which he wished to donate all his Nobel Prize money; nor could he persuade the earlier governments to have in Pakistan a centre for theoretical physics which he then established in Trieste. That centre has, since 1964, trained 60,000 scientists and now named after Salam, is graded as a centre of excellence by the European Organization for Nuclear Research.

Yet despite the indifference of successive governments, Pakistan could not escape what The Time called Salam's charismatic touch