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To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (656)6/24/2002 8:17:37 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Enron Suspects Enjoy Litigation 'Reforms'

Enron Hid Billions in Booty

thedailyenron.com

Enron Suspects Hide Behind the Law
"You can't sue me! I'm under FBI investigation!"
Unbelievably, that's the legal argument being made by Enron's former chief financial officer Andrew Fastow. Fastow is widely believed to have been the Enron official most responsible for the energy company's maze of fraud-ridden offshore partnerships. As such his name has climbed high on the civil litigation top ten defendants list.

And, Fastow is also believed to be a target of the FBI's criminal probe into Enron's business dealings.

Last week, attorneys for Fastow combined these two facts to argue that Enron shareholders and creditors suing Fastow should be forced to give their client a break.

Court papers filed by Fastow's lawyers plead that their client should not be forced to provide depositions or to produce documents in pending civil suits. The reason? Because, they complain, providing that kind of information could get their client indicted.

U.S. District Judge Melinda Harmon - the same judge who oversaw the Andersen trial - has not yet ruled on the motion. If she refuses to release Fastow from his civil obligations, Fastow's lawyers say, their client will simply invoke his Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination in the civil trial.

Robin Harrison, a Houston attorney for former Enron employees, said Fastow is the only one of nearly 70 individual defendants to request protection from the lawsuits until criminal proceedings are finished.

Fastow's attorney complained that civil discovery "provides prosecutors with an unfair advantage" because they are investigating many of the same issues covered by the civil suits.

The attorney did not address the alleged unfair advantages Fastow enjoyed while at the top of Enron's pyramid. Fastow and other Enron officials allegedly used the offshore partnerships to not only hide Enron's growing losses, but also to produce tens of millions of dollars of quick profits for themselves. Fastow personally profited to the tune of $30 million from the partnerships he formed and operated.

Plaintiffs in the case are understandably not impressed with Fastow's plea for relief. The University of California, lead plaintiff in the investor lawsuit, told the court it should deny Fastow's request since it is a "predicament of his own making."

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Bad 1995 Law Helps White Collar Crooks
Even if corporate evildoers are not successful in leveraging the FBI's interest in them, they will still find plenty of protection against angry creditors in a 1995 law.
The law, passed as part of the GOP's 1994 Contract With America, is called the Public Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995. The measure was vetoed by President Bill Clinton but was overridden in the Republican-controlled Congress and became law.

In a nutshell the PSLRA raised the bar for class action plaintiffs seeking civil recovery from the likes of Ken Lay et al. The law did so by reversing the civil law's natural order.

Under traditional civil statutes, bilked shareholders could sue corporate defendants, immediately gaining court-ordered discovery rights. Discovery is needed to pry loose corporate documents needed to prove shareholder claims of wrongdoing. Of course, guilty companies are understandably reluctant to turn such evidence over to plaintiffs and lobby Congress hard for a change in the law.

Under the PSLRA passed in 1995, plaintiffs must now first prove their case before the court will grant them the right of discovery. (For a full explanation of the PSLRA see the White Paper on this subject on this web site under Featured Content).

It was nice little Catch-22 peddled under the deceptively benign excuse of limiting frivolous lawsuits. In fact, the measure was heavily backed and financed by the accounting industry as well as most large companies, including Enron. Now, seven years later, legal filings by virtually every one of the 80-odd Enron defendants being sued cite the PSLRA as a defense. Here's a sampler:

Motion to dismiss by Jeffrey Skilling: "Every statement allegedly made by Mr. Skilling and claimed by plaintiffs to be false or misleading, is protected under PSLRA's safe harbor provisions…"

Motion to Dismiss by Andrew Fastow: "The PSLRA imposes a heightened pleading burden particularly upon securities fraud action…The PSLRA provides that where a plaintiff must allege that the defendant acted with a particular state of mind….As plaintiffs fail to meet this heightened pleading requirement a court is to dismiss the complaint."

Plaintiffs' attorneys say that the PSLRA creates a no win situation. In order to prove a defendant's state of mind at the time of the crime they need access to internal company memos and other documentation. But, without court-ordered discovery the company will not turn that evidence over to plaintiffs. And, under the PSLRA, without such evidence the court cannot grant discovery.

When Republicans swept the House in 1994, then Speaker Newt Gingrich (R-Ga) launched his party's control with the "Contract With America," a series of conservative reform measures among which were litigation reform and deregulation. The PSLRA is an offspring of the GOP's Contract With America.

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California's Money and Enron's "Cookie Jar"
Enron's collapse into bankruptcy last December left Californians scratching their heads. It just didn't make sense. After all, Enron had just spent the last two years pillaging and looting California's ratepayers' pocketbooks. How could the company now be broke? Where did all that money go?
Now we know. California investigators have discovered that during the state's energy crisis of 2000/2001 Enron pocketed over $1.5 billion in secret profits.

But, Enron quickly learned what every big drug dealer quickly learns - a ton of cash with no reasonable explanation can be a burden. At the time California ratepayers were already complaining to Washington that energy companies were up to no good. If all that cash landed on the company books then it would have been, well, politically inconvenient. At the time Enron's Ken Lay was telling Bush administration officials to ignore California's bellyaching, that the state was simply suffering from its own poorly executed energy deregulation.

So, rather than report all the profits, thereby confirming that the company was indeed gouging, Enron stuffed the money into an off-the-books "cookie jar."

The accounting trick provided several advantages. First, by dipping into the cash stash Enron was able to show Wall Street what appeared to be a respectable rate of growth. This, of course, was like so much that was Enron--an illusion. In reality the company was already terminally in debt - debts that were safely hidden in secret offshore partnerships.

And, Enron's leadership in manipulating California's energy supplies and prices had created a fresh source of hard cash for one grand final looting of company coffers. Just prior to Enron's bankruptcy the company approved over $740 million in last minute "bonuses" to Enron executives.

Finally Enron's books balanced, and Californians now know where their money went.

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New Subpoena Headed for the White House
Dirty air will collide with administration policy soon in the Senate Environment and Public Works Committee. That committee's chairman, James Jeffords (I-Vt) says he will subpoena the Bush administration this week for documents and e-mails relating to a recent decision by the administration to relax restrictions on emissions from older coal-fired power plants and refineries.
Jeffords has been pressing for months to no avail for documents describing the administration's deliberations on the policy. The new policy will allow existing old power plants and refineries to expand their operations without first meeting current clean air law requirements.

In response to Jeffords' earlier requests for documents the EPA provided 700 pages of documents and spreadsheets that committee staff members described as either blank pages or "incomprehensible."

"It is hard for me to understand why they are holding back documents that have no other purpose but to show the truth of the status of the pollution and its impact...on our country," Jeffords said. "The public has a right to know this, and we [on the committee] certainly do."

Environmentalists and many lawmakers immediately denounced the administration's rule changes as a massive rollback of the Clean Air Act.

Jeffords has grown increasingly frustrated with the administration and says he is determined to force the release of the information.

"We have a legitimate role as the committee of jurisdiction to ask for the information, and they have the responsibility to provide it in a timely fashion," a senior committee told reporters last week.

While governor of Texas, George W. Bush approved a host of clean air waivers to Texas refineries. As a result, by 1999 cities like Houston had passed Los Angeles in the number of dirty air days.

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Quiz of The Day
What energy company is the following journalist describing?
It's profits were the product of "fraud, deceit, special privilege, gross illegality, bribery, coercion, corruption, intimidation, espionage or outright terror."

If you said Enron, you were wrong. Actually, the above description is from Ida M. Tarbell's reporting on John D. Rockefeller's Standard Oil a century ago.

----------------------------------------
Got Thoughts?
Well, share them!
editor@thedailyenron.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (656)6/24/2002 10:04:41 PM
From: SOROS  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
How can anyone resist gold?

goldavenue.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (656)6/25/2002 8:01:22 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Change the rulebook for counterterrorism

By JAMES SHINN
POLICY ANALYST
Tuesday, June 25, 2002

As Congress' who-knew-what-when hearings continue, let's remember that Sept. 11 was a private act of terror. The FBI knows how to bust domestic criminal Mafiosi, while the CIA knows how to knife-fight with foreign terrorist states.

But Osama bin Laden's gang is a new hybrid. It's a foreign terrorist crime family, with motives radically different from the Gambinos', yet without the umbrella of an official state. To cope with privatized terror, the United States should take a cue from al-Qaida itself and use private counterterror to strike back.

No sovereign state would have dared the World Trade Center attack. In contrast, private terrorists are harder to deter, ruthless and well funded. Recall that before their downfall, the Medellin Cartel's Jorge Ochoa and Pablo Escobar had a net worth of $5 billion, more than enough to fund the terror campaign that brought the Colombian government to its knees.

Compared with the narco-trafficantes, bin Laden's estimated $30 million inheritance was chump change. Nor did he spend much of it bringing down the Twin Towers, less than $500,000 in total, including the $238,000 in money transfers from the United Arab Emirates to the Sept. 11 hijackers traced by the Treasury Department. People in Bel Aire spend more than that on their swimming pools.

In response, Americans everywhere spent a lot of money on their own private counterterror after Sept. 11. Air Charter Guide's survey showed a 30 percent increase in private flights beginning in October 2001. Personal prescriptions for the anthrax antibiotic Cipro have been flying off pharmacy shelves. Bankers are investing millions on software that sifts through funds transfers for suspect transactions. Airlines and biological supply firms are profiling their customers with extra care, not wanting to find themselves unwitting accessories to mass murder or on the wrong side of a killer germ.

In fact, the private sector has been tracking bad characters for years. Retailers built networked systems that track consumer behavior across a variety of "touchpoints," from on-line shopping to in-store visits, using data-mining engines to integrate these touchpoints into a behavioral profile. Credit-card clearinghouses refined similar methods to screen for fraud.

The al-Qaida terrorists must enter this sea of civilian transactions in order to plan the next attack on the United States. Based on this critical assumption, the Council on Foreign Relations convened a team of technology and security experts to study how these civilian techniques might be harnessed to the war against terror. The team came up with a system architecture that combines watch lists from the CIA and FBI, with transactions from agencies such as the Immigration and Naturalization Service and customs bureau, private sector databases from firms in transportation, finance and telecommunications, in a format that can be swept by a data-mining algorithms. The system alerts law enforcement officers when a suspicious pattern of behavior is detected.

For a long list of depressing reasons, the federal government does not have this sort of systems capability. Washington's computer systems are "stove-piped" and largely incapable of sharing data with one another, much less draw on information from the outside civilian world.

It will take the federal government five to 10 years to re-engineer their computer systems to provide an anti-terror tracking capability. But history shows that al-Qaida strikes at intervals of 12 to 18 months.

So the council team also proposed a way to use civilian high-tech design methods to put in a protective counterterror capability quickly. Using fast-turn programming techniques, an initial counterterror system could be up in months, not years, and cost no more than a few million dollars.

There are many successful engineers and entrepreneurs in high-tech communities around the country who would volunteer for such a crash program, with their firms donating hardware and off-the-shelf software.

They are attracted by the technical challenge, the chance to serve their country and enlightened self-interest: You may avoid a hijacking in your Learjet, but your office building can still get blown up. Even the mail in Aspen or Maui can arrive dusted with lethal spores.

The Bush administration and the Office of Homeland Security are highly motivated and staffed with competent people. But they are buffeted by the crisis du jour, drained by endless congressional hearings on intelligence oversight and straitjacketed by ponderous procurement and hiring procedures.

In the meantime, a new sort of public-private partnership in the war against terror can help plug the data gap until the FBI, the CIA and the rest of America's intelligence community get their act together.

Al-Qaida's privatized terror changed the rules of national security. It's time for Washington to change the rulebook for counterterror as well.

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James Shinn is lecturer in the Department of Electrical Engineering at Princeton University and fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York. For the full text of the Council report, visit www.cfr.org

seattlepi.nwsource.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (656)6/25/2002 9:01:48 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Kaplan's commentary for June 24...

thebulliondesk.com

<<...In my 27 years as a professional in this industry, I must admit that I have never seen such a confluence of bullish factors, both from macroeconomic and technical considerations, as exist in the gold market today...>>