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Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: T L Comiskey who wrote (1079)7/1/2002 5:24:46 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Scott Herhold: Four myths that lead to corporate cheating

The Mercury News
Posted on Sat, Jun. 29, 2002


The easy way to explain the accounting scandals at WorldCom, Enron and Global Crossing is to condemn the executives who ran them as corporate thieves. There's some truth to that. But anyone searching for answers to our current financial mess ought to remember Danny Almonte.

Almonte, you may recall, was the pitcher for a Little League team, the Rolando Paulino All-Stars. He became the subject of a searing controversy a year ago because it turned out he was 14, not 12, when he played in the Little League World Series.

Everyone blamed the boy's family for forging a birth certificate. But the fault also lay with Little League's ESPN contract, the advertising sales, the demand for autographs and a visit from President Bush. All those things increased the incentive to cheat. If it were a sandlot game, few would bother to lie.

What's happening in corporate America now offers a parallel: Yes, there are bad guys running some companies. And yes, someone ought to go to jail in the WorldCom fiasco. But to condemn the executives without looking at the incentives and pressures to cheat misses the mark.

Let me suggest that one way to begin is to examine four myths that have fueled corporate cheating and eroded the ability of watchdogs -- boards, audit committees and auditors -- to do their job.

MYTH NO. 1: The stock price -- measured quarterly, or even weekly -- is the real arbiter of performance.

The reason this myth endures is that stock options have become a much bigger piece of standard compensation. Once options were reserved for top executives. At most tech companies now, everyone expects them. For a CEO, the difference between meeting and missing quarterly numbers is thus a question not just of salvaging personal net worth, but of rewarding and retaining employees. And the pressure from the board to boost the stock price adds a powerful incentive to cut corners.

``There's no question that stock options have a big role to play in this,'' says Brett Trueman, a professor of accounting at the University of California-Berkeley's Haas School of Business.

The truth: a rise in stock price follows financial performance. It doesn't define it. The market is fickle, and companies are best served not by the quarterly inquisition of Wall Street, but by their ability to plan three or four years ahead.

MYTH NO. 2: The CEO is a superhero.

This is a myth that the media have happily embraced, in part because the cult of personality makes it easier to tell a story. Enron was identified with Ken Lay, WorldCom with Bernie Ebbers and Global Crossing with Gary Winnick. As their stocks crested, they were heros creating a new world order.

The truth: The CEO is the chief salesman. Any company must depend on people in mid-management. When an executive is lionized, it makes it all the harder for him or her to confront failure. And it makes it harder for subordinates to deliver bad news or resist a questionable demand.

MYTH NO. 3: Growth is more important than culture.

At the height of the market, companies were driven by the notion of having to eat or be eaten. Tyco and WorldCom grew by acquisition, as did dozens of other companies. And everyone boasted about how quickly their shopping spree would add to earnings.

The truth: When a company grows too fast, its sense of ethical boundaries is frequently relaxed. It's no accident that some companies that grew by acquisition (think Network Associates or Legato) have endured major accounting problems. And companies with the strongest cultures -- Applied Materials or Intel -- have the straightest books.

MYTH NO. 4: Our private regulatory system can work without a club behind it.

In the era of distrust of big government, one of the most prevalent myths was that the private cadre of watchdogs could take care of regulating financial reporting. Investors bought the notion that auditors, analysts and boards would take care of executive cheating.

The truth: Most of the so-called watchdogs were in thrall to the companies. And no speeches or policy changes from the Securities and Exchange Commission can replace stern enforcement action. Cheating has flourished in part because there was no fear of the consequences. We need to make the threat of punishment real.

Scott Herhold's Stocks.comment appears every Monday and Thursday. Write him at the San Jose Mercury News, 750 Ridder Park Drive, San Jose, Calif. 95190; e-mail sherhold@sjmercury.com; phone (408) 920-5877.



To: T L Comiskey who wrote (1079)7/1/2002 6:42:35 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
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mediawhoresonline.com



To: T L Comiskey who wrote (1079)7/1/2002 10:03:43 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Corporate woes could be liability for GOP

USA > Politics
The Christian Science Monitor
from the July 01, 2002 edition

csmonitor.com

Democrats try to capitalize on problems of WorldCom and economy. But can they?

By Francine Kiefer | Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor

WASHINGTON – For a few weeks there, it seemed as if America – especially its political leaders – had forgotten about the country's economic woes.
The talk in Washington was about the "inevitability" of another terrorist attack, the shortcomings of its intelligence agencies, and the president's proposal for the new Department of Homeland Security. Not surprisingly, terrorism reappeared as Americans' No. 1 concern.


But along came telecommunications giant WorldCom and its misplaced $4 billion. Suddenly, Washington is snapping to attention. President Bush is planning a major address on corporate responsibility when he visits Wall Street July 9. Congress is wearing a familiar expression of studied concern, with the House holding hearings on WorldCom July 8, and the Senate taking up accounting-reform legislation when lawmakers return from the Independence Day holiday.

Behind much of the attentiveness, though, lies a fundamental political calculation: The Democrats believe they finally have an issue they can use against a popular president, while the White House is trying to get out front on a subject that could pose serious problems for the GOP – particularly if other economic problems deepen.

"The perfect storm comes when you have a sagging economy, a burgeoning deficit, and plummeting investor and consumer confidence," says Marshall Wittmann, a political analyst at the Hudson Institute here. We have indications of all three, though not yet at gale force intensity, and that does not bode well for the Bush administration or Republicans in this fall's congressional elections, he says.

Pinning blame on the GOP

Indeed, a new strategy memo by the Democratic group Democracy Corps argues: "Voters are very ready to believe that the Republicans have given free rein to an ethos that rewards irresponsible behavior by the powerful, at the expense of employees and ordinary investors."

Already, candidates across the country have been scrambling to address the issue in their campaigns. Out in the heartland, Iowa congressional hopeful John Norris faulted his opponent, GOP Rep. Tom Latham for inaction and proposed a "corporate accountability" plan of his own.

On the offensive, President Bush has spoken forcefully of the need for corporate responsibility since the WorldCom news broke last week. At the same time, he has sought to reassure Americans that most business leaders are honest and that the country's economic fundamentals are sound. In his radio address Saturday he emphasized that executives guilty of fraud "will do jail time."

Recent opinion polls show that Americans' concern about the economy is just as strong as the terrorism issue. According to the new bipartisan Battleground poll, the economy and jobs essentially tied with terrorism as the top concern among voters.

When asked which aspects of the economy worried them most, the top responses were healthcare costs and retirement security – issues where Democrats traditionally have an advantage.

Meanwhile, a poll released last week by the nonpartisan Pew Research Center found that only a third of Americans believe the president is "doing all he can" on the economy. At the same time, while his overall job approval rating remains at an enviable 70 percent, his score on handling the economy has slipped from 60 percent in January to 53 percent, according to the Pew poll.

Given the rolling news of corporate scandal, "there's a real chance now – though we're not there yet – that this could turn into a serious partisan issue," says government expert Norman Ornstein, of the American Enterprise Institute here. This could happen, he says, "by reinforcing with a vengeance the stereotype of Republicans as the party of big business."

Restoring investor confidence

More scandals could have a "cascading effect" on the economy, driving down the stock market, increasing unemployment, and leading to "that dreaded double-dip recession," says Mr. Ornstein.

One way for Bush to avert that contingency is to shore up investor confidence. That entails the president devoting consistent attention to the subject of corporate responsibility, says Cynthia Latta, economist at DRI-WEFA. "It's not something where he can come out once and say something needs to be done with it. It's something where people have to be sure it's generated enough investigation and long-term action," she says.

Corporate ethics plan

In March, the president laid out a 10-point plan on corporate ethics, including the forced return of profits which executives gain from false statements. A version of his plan passed the GOP-controlled House, while legislation pushed by Maryland Democratic Sen. Paul Sarbanes is gaining ground in the Senate.

The Sarbanes bill is perceived as providing tougher enforcement. It enhances auditors' independence by restricting consulting services they can provide, and creates a regulatory board that Democrats see as more independent.

Mr. Wittmann suggests the president has to do more than window-dressing on this issue. This is an "opportunity" for Bush to emulate the trust-busting spirit of Republican President Teddy Roosevelt, Wittmann says.

"This is a classic TR moment. But we don't know whether this administration has the inner fortitude to bite the hand that has fed them – corporate America."

• Liz Marlantes contributed to this report from Washington.