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Non-Tech : The ENRON Scandal -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Mephisto who wrote (4202)7/4/2002 1:56:49 AM
From: Raymond Duray  Respond to of 5185
 
BECAUSE TOO MUCH IS NEVER ENOUGH

kennyskids.org



To: Mephisto who wrote (4202)7/4/2002 2:49:03 AM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 5185
 
W: Scourge of Corporate Misbehavior

RELEASE: TUESDAY, JULY 2, 2002, AND THEREAFTER

By Molly Ivins

AUSTIN, Texas -- Our personal trainer the president, up and running after his colonoscopy (I
did not need to know about that), is trying out a new role -- Scourge of Corporate Misbehavior.
This has approximately the same effect as opening the refrigerator door and finding Fidel
Castro inside. Smoking a cigar. "Hard to believe" barely begins to hint at the surrealism of this
development.

The Bush people are going to force us to take this nonsense seriously. I guarantee we will
soon be hearing about the Pepster's long-cherished populist beliefs. Ever since the man told
us he was the Father of the Texas Patients' Bill of Rights (which he first vetoed and then
refused to sign), I have been resigned to the Red Queen quality of his political act. Just grab a
flamingo and get ready to play croquet here.


In the interest of lending some verisimilitude to this new pose --Dubya Does Nader -- let us
pass lightly over Bush's own business career, including insider dealing and the time he
dumped his Harken Energy stock just before the announcement that the company was going
bankrupt. In violation of SEC rules, Bush failed to report that sale to the Securities and
Exchange Commission until eight months after the fact. The SEC contented itself with a
warning letter but has specifically stated that Bush was "not exonerated."

And let's also pass over his six-year record as governor of Texas, an unbroken stretch of
kissing corporate butt, including firing an agency head for enforcing state law against one of
Bush's biggest contributors.


Instead, let us concentrate on the repairable. A few things the Pepster can do to bolster his
brand-new image as a champion against corporate malfeasance. How to Pretend to Be a
Populist in 10 easy steps:

-- Appoint someone to head the SEC who has not spent his career as a lawyer for accounting
firms,
including advising them to destroy documents in case of lawsuit. Chairman Harvey Pitt
has been criticized even by The Wall Street Journal's editorial page, not a bastion of flaming
liberalism, for being too easy on his old accounting clients and for having lost all credibility
after his meeting with Xerox's auditor.

-- Stop the government loans to Enron, which is still manipulating Third World energy markets
while applying for $125 million in taxpayer money from the Inter-American Development Bank.

-- Come out in favor the Sarbanes bill,
now stuck in the Senate. It's the only serious proposal
to deal with corporate chicanery -- the Republican plans are a sick joke. Call off Sen. Phil
Gramm, who is working closely with the White House to block the bill.
He has already done
enough damage as the Senator from Enron.

-- Stop actively working with the business lobby to block the accounting reforms that would
prevent Enron from happening again.

-- In order to avoid the appearance that you have been bought outright by corporate
contributions, try not to make a recess appointment to the Federal Elections Commission of
someone who has long sworn to oppose every effort at campaign finance reform and who is
now destroying the McCain-Feingold bill.


-- As you stated in your hilarious radio address, "We must have rules and laws that restore
faith in the integrity of American business." So how about reinstating the Clinton policy, which
you reversed last year, against giving government contracts to corporations that have
repeatedly violated federal laws?

-- Supporting the repeal of the alternative minimum tax
is probably not smart when giant
corporations are already paying less in taxes than the janitors who clean their floors.

-- It's not a good time to push for repeal of the estate tax to benefiting only the richest 2 percent of Americans.

-- Your proposal to relax New Source Review standards at the Environmental Protection
Agency stinks: It allows dirty coal-fired power plants and the nation's other biggest polluters to
operate indefinitely and to increase their pollution by massive amounts.


-- Next, do something about the other 90-odd actions taken by your administration to help
polluters since January 2001, including shifting the cost of cleaning up Superfund waste sites
from the polluters to the taxpayers and the recent EPA decision to reverse a 25-year-old
policy that flatly forbids dumping mining and other industrial solid waste into the nation's
waterways.


Your administration decided that all waters across the country are now open to industry for
waste disposal. Allowing industry to increase profits at the expense of the public's health and
the nation's natural heritage does not fit the "higher calling" to which you said business should
aspire.

-- Ix-nay on the Republican effort to block closing the Bermuda loophole in the federal tax
code.
They've taken to doing things like walking out of committee meetings to keep the bill
from coming up. It would clearly pass overwhelmingly if it got to the floor. Time to call the boys
in for a chat.

To find out more about Molly Ivins and read features by other Creators Syndicate writers and
cartoonists, visit the Creators Syndicate web page at www.creators.com.

COPYRIGHT 2002 CREATORS SYNDICATE, INC.
Originally Published on Tuesday July 2, 2002



To: Mephisto who wrote (4202)7/4/2002 8:17:32 AM
From: Dorine Essey  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 5185
 
www5.bluemountain.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (4202)7/7/2002 3:12:07 PM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 5185
 
Succeeding in Business
The New York Times

July 7, 2002


By PAUL KRUGMAN


On Tuesday, George W. Bush is scheduled to give a speech intended to put him in front of the growing national outrage over
corporate malfeasance. He will sternly lecture Wall Street executives about ethics and will doubtless portray himself as a
believer in old-fashioned business probity.

Yet this pose is surreal, given the way top officials like Secretary of the Army Thomas White,
Dick Cheney and Mr. Bush himself acquired their wealth. As Joshua Green says in
The Washington Monthly, in a must-read article written just before the
administration suddenly became such an exponent of corporate ethics:
"The `new tone' that George W. Bush brought to Washington isn't one of integrity,
but of permissiveness. . . . In this administration, enriching oneself while one's business goes
bust isn't necessarily frowned upon."


Unfortunately, the administration has so far gotten the press to focus on the least important
question about Mr. Bush's business dealings: his failure to obey the law by promptly
reporting his insider stock sales. It's true that Mr. Bush's story about that failure has
suddenly changed, from "the dog ate my homework" to "my lawyer ate my
homework - four times." But the administration hopes that a narrow focus on the
reporting lapses will divert attention from the larger point: Mr. Bush profited
personally from aggressive accounting identical to the recent scams that have
shocked the nation.


In 1986, one would have had to consider Mr. Bush a failed businessman.
He had run through millions of dollars of other people's money, with nothing to show
for it but a company losing money and heavily burdened with debt. But he was rescued
from failure when Harken Energy bought his company at an astonishingly high price.
There is no question that Harken was basically paying for Mr. Bush's connections.


Despite these connections, Harken did badly. But for a time it concealed its
failure - sustaining its stock price, as it turned out, just long enough for Mr. Bush to sell most
of his stake at a large profit - with an accounting trick identical to one of the main ploys used
by Enron a decade later. (Yes, Arthur Andersen was the accountant.) As I explained
in my previous column, the ploy works as follows: corporate insiders create a front
organization that seems independent but is really under their
control. This front buys some of the firm's assets at unrealistically high prices,
creating a phantom profit that inflates the stock
price, allowing the executives to cash in their stock.

That's exactly what happened at Harken.
A group of insiders, using money borrowed
from Harken itself, paid an exorbitant price for a Harken subsidiary, Aloha Petroleum.
That created a $10 million phantom profit, which hid three-quarters of the
company's losses in 1989. White House aides have played down the significance of
this maneuver, saying $10 million isn't much, compared with recent scandals.
Indeed, it's a small fraction of the apparent profits Halliburton created
through a sudden change in accounting procedures during Dick Cheney's tenure
as chief executive. But for Harken's stock price - and
hence for Mr. Bush's personal wealth - this accounting trickery made all the difference.


Oh, and Harken's fake profits were several dozen times as large as the Whitewater land deal - though only about one-seventh the cost of the Whitewater investigation.

Mr. Bush was on the company's audit committee, as well as on a special restructuring
committee; back in 1994, another member of both committees, E. Stuart Watson,
assured reporters that he and Mr. Bush were constantly made aware of the
company's finances. If Mr. Bush didn't know about the Aloha maneuver,
he was a very negligent director.


In any case, Mr. Bush certainly found out what his company had been up to when
the Securities and Exchange Commission ordered it to restate its earnings. So he can't
really be shocked over recent corporate scams.
His own company pulled exactly
the same tricks, to his considerable benefit. Of course, what really made Mr. Bush
a rich man was the investment of his proceeds from Harken in the
Texas Rangers - a step that is another, equally strange story.

The point is the contrast between image and reality. Mr. Bush portrays himself as a
regular guy, someone ordinary Americans can identify with. But his personal fortune
was built on privilege and insider dealings - and after his Harken sale, on
large-scale corporate welfare. Some people have it easy.


Copyright 2002 The New York Times Company

nytimes.com