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To: T L Comiskey who wrote (53561)7/8/2002 6:29:07 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 65232
 
ENRON DIRECTORS IMPLICATED IN FRAUD

Despite assertions they knew little, Enron directors ignored repeated warnings about problems, Senate report says

Sat Jul 6, 3:15 PM ET
By PETE YOST, Associated Press Writer

WASHINGTON - Enron's board closed its eyes to evidence the company was heading for financial disaster, and claims by former directors that they were kept in the dark are untrue, a Senate report concludes.

"Much that was wrong with Enron was known to the board," the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations said in a scathing 60-page critique.

Directors of the Houston-based energy-trading company failed to heed "more than a dozen red flags that should have caused the Enron board to ask hard questions, examine Enron policies and consider changing course," the report says.

Lawyers for the company and the former directors disputed the findings.

Senate investigators said the board failed to protect company shareholders and contributed to the collapse of Enron, which in December became the biggest company bankruptcy in U.S. history.

The report being made public Sunday estimated that at its peak, the company "apparently had between $15 billion and $20 billion involved in hundreds" of complex transactions that entailed "convoluted financing and accounting structures."

The subcommittee chairman, Sen. Carl Levin ( news, bio, voting record), D-Mich., said the report shows how important it is for swift Senate passage of legislation to strengthen accounting oversight and toughen laws that punish corporate misconduct.

But Washington attorney Robert Bennett, who is representing Enron, said the report is setting the responsibility of boards of directors far beyond what is commonly understood to be the case.

"I only wish the Congress would apply the same standards to their own conduct," Bennett said. He said the report was "grossly unfair" and that it "leaps to unfounded conclusions."

"We would expect nothing less in this frenzy that is taking place on Capitol Hill," he said.

W. Neil Eggleston, a Washington attorney representing Enron's former directors, says the board was "misled by Enron management and outside auditors about now-suspect transactions."

The Senate report focused on a three-year period leading up to the bankruptcy, an event that marked the first in a wave of huge corporate scandals rocking the U.S. economy. The latest is WorldCom, which inflated its financial results by improperly accounting for nearly $4 billion in expenses.

Enron directors were aware of high-risk accounting practices, inappropriate conflict-of-interest transactions and extensive undisclosed off-the-books activity, the report says.

The report also says Enron's executives compromised the independence of some board members with consulting payments.

Enron paid board member John Urquhart $493,914 for consulting in 2000. Starting in 1996, John Wakeham got a monthly retainer of $6,000 for consulting. The money was in addition to the regular compensation for board members at Enron, which amounted to $350,000 per year, much of it in the form of stock options, says the report.

The $350,000 figure is more than twice the national average for board compensation at the top 200 U.S. publicly traded corporations.

The report says former Enron auditor David Duncan of Arthur Andersen warned directors on the audit committee that the company engaged in high-risk accounting practices. Duncan told the directors that some of what was being done was "pushing the limits" and was "at the edge" of acceptable practice.

Duncan's notes of the discussion were backed up by other documents and by the testimony of a second Andersen accountant who was present. But the Enron audit committee chairman, Robert Jaedicke, said he did not recall being told that the company's accounting practices pushed the limits.

"When we would ask them, even in executive session, about, OK, how do you feel about these" accounting practices "the usual expression was one of comfort," Jaedicke, dean emeritus of the Stanford Business School, told the subcommittee.

"It was not, these are the highest risk transactions on our scale of one to ten," Jaedicke added.

Duncan, who pleaded guilty to obstruction in the Enron probe, was the chief prosecution witness in last month's criminal trial of the Andersen accounting firm, which was convicted of obstruction of justice.

The Senate report said that the board:

_Cleared the way for Enron executives to improve the appearance of the company's financial statements by waiving conflict-of-interest rules for chief financial officer Andrew Fastow.

_Did not raise any questions when told that in six short months, one of Fastow's outside partnerships had produced a phenomenal $2 billion in funds flow for Enron.

_Did not bother until late last year to press for information about the outside compensation of Fastow, who took tens of millions of dollars from Enron in exchange for keeping hundreds of millions of dollars in Enron debt off the company's books.

The Senate report says the board's compensation committee engaged in a "lavish compensation philosophy."

Enron's former chief executive officer, Kenneth Lay, "used his credit line to withdraw $77 million in cash from the company in one year, replaced the cash with company stock, and never mentioned his borrowings or stock sales to the board or the public," the report says. Still, board members were reluctant to criticize Lay at a Senate hearing.

Lay declined comment until he had a chance to review the entire report, his spokeswoman, Kelly Kimberly, said Saturday.

The committee "exercised little, if any, restraint over Enron's compensation plans," the report says.

Board members indicated that they had been unaware the company paid cash bonuses of $750 million to Enron executives in a year when the company's entire net income was $975 million.

Asked why Enron executives misled the board and cheated the company, one board member told Senate investigators he assumed "they did it for the money."



To: T L Comiskey who wrote (53561)7/8/2002 7:18:58 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 65232
 
Changing the Subject

[Could have called this article 'Wag The Dog' <G>]

By Mary McGrory
The Washington Post
Sunday, July 7, 2002; Page B07

George W. Bush is well on
his way in his program of
worldwide regime-change.
Palestine is on notice that it
must -- in "a free and fair
election," mind you -- oust
Yasser Arafat or else. And
now we are told, by the New
York Times, that plans for
an invasion of Iraq are well
advanced. We must hope
that someone in the inner
circle is warning the
president that
regime-changing is harder
than subject-changing --
something at which he is
exceptionally adept.

The president is extremely
touchy about stories that in
any way contradict his contention that he had no warning
before Sept. 11. Several FBI agents stepped forward to
suggest otherwise: Kenneth Williams in Phoenix, followed
closely by Coleen Rowley of Minneapolis. Rowley gave a
Senate committee a bill of particulars against agency
higher-ups who ignored her office's findings on Zacarias
Moussaoui.

But Rowley was buried alive the very next day as the White
House unfurled a homeland security reorganization that
would cost $38 billion and involve huge numbers of federal
employees -- although oddly enough, neither the FBI nor the
CIA. It was something that Bush had resisted for months, and
the scope of it set Washington ababble to the exclusion of any
consideration of Rowley and all that she said.

The most spectacular instance of subject change followed. On
June 20, the press published the story of a National Security
Agency intercept that featured a warning as cryptic as the
utterance of the Delphic oracle on a bad day: "The match is
about to begin." Its publication sent the vice president into
orbit. He issued a thunderous blast on a favorite subject,
leaky members of Congress, who, he was sure, had blabbed.
The Senate and House intelligence committees had a joint fit
of self-abasement. "Investigate us," they implored the FBI,
which, of course, they are supposed to be investigating.

The episode tells you everything you need to know about why
Bush so adamantly prefers such committees to the special
Sept. 11 inquiry suggested by sophisticates.

But Bush faces a subject that could be the challenge of his
life in the business scandals that have crept onto the radar
screens of the voters, who once upon a time did not consider
corporate greed as any of their business except as something
to grumble about around the kitchen table.

These new "malefactors of great wealth" are not just distant
figures hurrying toward their private jets bound for some
purchased paradise; no, in many cases they have been
entrusted with the pension funds of millions of Americans
who are faced with the prospect of a penurious old age. In a
generally doting public, according to a Pew Research Center
poll, almost 40 percent DISAPPROVE of the way Bush is
handling the greed problem.

Those corporate rogues who cook their books, bleed their
companies, overreport their earnings and speak with forked
tongues to investing clients are paid astronomical salaries,
which never seem to be enough. They are also the kind of
people Bush has hung out with all his life. They are the
people who feel that government agencies such as the
Federal Election Commission should subvert in any way they
can legislation such as McCain-Feingold -- a bill Bush signed
into law in stealth lest anyone imagine he approved of it.

Like them, Bush, a former friend of Enron CEO Kenneth Lay,
thinks that capitalism should be unfettered, that industrial
regulations should be written by industrialists. Bush, while
governor of Texas, proposed a program of voluntary cleanups
by polluters, expressing a belief in their good intentions that
is not universally shared.

They are the people who think that Christ's declaration that
man does not live by bread alone is a misprint. It is probably
too much to hope that Democrats who gratefully accepted
large campaign purses from the graspers will refrain from
self-righteousness.

Bush has been lecturing the greedy and has booked a Wall
Street speech. Meanwhile, The Post's Dana Milbank has
written a story that may show the high-fliers that preacher
Bush is still one of them, just as impatient and high-handed
as they themselves were with government regulation. In 1991
Bush filed a report with the Securities and Exchange
Commission on a stock trade some 34 weeks late. His alibis
were strikingly uninventive, variations on the "dog ate my
homework" theme. First he blamed the SEC for losing his
disclosure documents. Subsequently he blamed his company's
lawyer. During an SEC probe, Bush was represented by a
lawyer whom he has since appointed ambassador to Saudi
Arabia.

Bush told us the other day that he "love[s] peace." But not
with Iraq. In the face of reservations from the Joint Chiefs he
is planning a major military adventure. It still might be a
more congenial subject than the crimes of his boardroom
pals.

© 2002 The Washington Post Company



To: T L Comiskey who wrote (53561)7/8/2002 7:54:59 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 65232
 
Fouling Our Own Nest

[Many folks know I'm a moderate who actually voted for Bush in 2000 and many realize I'm currently very FRUSTRATED with our President's apparent lack of leadership to effectively go after corporate crime and corruption...Recently, I've also become quite concerned about his ability to preserve and maintain our environment for future generations -- I'm not the only one getting concerned either...Check out the article below.]

Fouling Our Own Nest
By BOB HERBERT
The New York Times
July 4, 2002
nytimes.com

Do you remember the character Pig-Pen in the "Peanuts" cartoons? He was always covered with dirt and grime. He was cute, but he was a walking sludge heap, filthy and proud of it. He once told Charlie Brown, "I have affixed to me the dirt and dust of countless ages. Who am I to disturb history?"

For me, Pig-Pen's attitude embodies President Bush's approach to the environment. We've been trashing, soiling, even destroying the wonders of nature for countless ages. Why stop now? Who is Mr. Bush to step in and curb this venerable orgy of pollution, this grand tradition of fouling our own nest?

Oh, the skies may once have been clear and the waters sparkling and clean. But you can't have that and progress, too. Can you?

This week we learned that the Bush administration plans to cut funding for the cleanup of 33 toxic waste sites in 18 states. As The Times's Katharine Seelye reported, this means "that work is likely to grind to a halt on some of the most seriously polluted sites in the country."

The cuts were ordered because the Superfund toxic waste cleanup program is running out of money. Rather than showing the leadership necessary to replenish the fund, the president plans to reduce its payouts by cleaning up fewer sites. Pig-Pen would have been proud.

This is not a minor matter. The sites targeted by the Superfund program are horribly polluted, in many cases with cancer-causing substances. Millions of Americans live within a few miles of these sites.

The Superfund decision is the kind of environmental move we've come to expect from the Bush administration. Mother Nature has been known to tremble at the sound of the president's approaching footsteps. He's an environmental disaster zone.

In February a top enforcement official at the Environmental Protection Agency, Eric Schaeffer, quit because of Bush administration policies that he said undermined the agency's efforts to crack down on industrial polluters. Mr. Schaeffer said he felt he was "fighting a White House that seems determined to weaken the rules we are trying to enforce."

That, of course, is exactly what this White House is doing. Within weeks of Mr. Schaeffer's resignation came official word that the administration was relaxing the air quality regulations that applied to older coal-fired power plants, a step backward that delighted the administration's industrial pals.

During this same period, the president broke his campaign promise to regulate the industrial emissions of carbon dioxide, a move that, among other things, would have helped in the fight to slow the increase in global warming. Mr. Bush has also turned his back on the Kyoto Protocol, which would require industrial nations to reduce their emissions of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases.

The president was even disdainful of his own administration's report on global warming, which acknowledged that the U.S. would experience far-reaching and, in some cases, devastating environmental consequences as a result of the climate change.

The president's views on global warming seem aligned with those of the muddle-headed conservative groups in Texas that have been forcing rewrites in textbooks to fit their political and spiritual agendas. In one environmental science textbook, the following was added:

"In the past, the earth has been much warmer than it is now, and fossils of sea creatures show us that the sea level was much higher than it is today. So does it really matter if the world gets warmer?"

Senator Joseph Lieberman, not exactly a left-winger on the environment or anything else, gave a speech in California in February in which he assailed the president's lack of leadership on global warming and other environmental issues. He characterized the president's energy policy as "mired in crude oil" and said Mr. Bush had been "AWOL in the war against environmental pollution."

Several states, fed up with Mr. Bush's capitulation to industry on these matters, have moved on their own to protect the environment and develop more progressive energy policies.

Simply stated, the president has behaved irresponsibly toward the environment and shows no sign of changing his ways. You could laugh at Pig-Pen. He was just a comic strip character. But Mr. Bush is no joke. His trashing of the environment is a deadly serious matter.



To: T L Comiskey who wrote (53561)7/8/2002 9:40:53 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 65232
 
The Free Market Needs New Rules

By JOHN McCAIN
Editorial / Op-Ed
The New York Times
July 8, 2002

WASHINGTON - In a string of corporate failures and scandals from Enron to WorldCom, we have seen the first principles of free markets — transparency and trust — fall victim to corporate opportunists exploiting a climate of lax regulation. I have long opposed unnecessary regulation of business activity, mindful that the heavy hand of government can discourage innovation. But in the current climate only a restoration of the system of checks and balances that once protected the American investor — and that has seriously deteriorated over the past 10 years — can restore the confidence that makes financial markets work.

Congress and the president must move quickly to frame legislation and reform corporate governance and government oversight. And I would add one more suggestion: they should ask for the resignation of Harvey Pitt, chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission. While Mr. Pitt may be a fine man, he has appeared slow and tepid in addressing accounting abuses, and concerns remain that he has not distanced himself enough from former clients.

The need for government action and oversight is clear. Corporations fabricated revenues, disguised expenses and established off-balance-sheet partnerships to mask liabilities and inflate profits. Executives maximized their compensation with stock option plans that burdened their companies with huge costs hidden from investors. Venerable accounting firms, having looked the other way as companies cooked the books, shredded documents to hide their misdeeds. Although American tax policy encouraged them to do so, corporations that move their legal headquarters offshore to avoid taxes appear conspicuously ungrateful to the country whose young men and women are risking their lives today to defend them.

Reforms must ensure a complete separation of the auditing and consulting services provided by an accounting firm; a firm that audits a company must be prohibited from providing any consulting service — ever — to that company. Legislation sponsored by Senator Paul Sarbanes would create an Accounting Oversight Board to establish and enforce the standards for audits of publicly traded companies. But this oversight board should be completely independent from the industry, financed either as part of the S.E.C. or a separate agency.

Stock options, while a legitimate and valuable form of employee compensation, must be identified as an operating expense in a public company's financial reports. Top executives should be precluded from selling their own holdings of company stock while serving in that company. Executives should be allowed to exercise their options, but their net gain after tax should be held in company stock until 90 days after they leave the company.

Executives should be required to return all compensation directly derived from proven misconduct. Also, a corporate compensation committee should be made up of members of the board who have no material relationship with the company or personal relationship with its management. Indeed, the entire board should be similarly independent, with the exception of the chief executive.

Top executives should be required to certify personally that the company's public financial reports are accurate and that all information material to the financial health of the company has been disclosed. If their certification is false, they should go to jail.

Government should remove egregious conflicts of interest in "full-service" financial institutions. Investment services, including research, should be separated from lending, underwriting and securities trading.

Even as we take these and other necessary measures, asking for the resignation of Mr. Pitt would help show the public our seriousness. During his first 10 months as S.E.C. chairman, he did not participate in 29 of the commission's votes, most of which involved his former clients. To address corporate misconduct, he seems to prefer industry self-policing to necessary lawmaking. Government's demands for corporate accountability are only credible if government executives are held accountable as well.

What is at risk is the trust that investors, employees and all Americans have in our markets and, by extension, in the country's future. To love the free market is to loathe the scandalous behavior of those who have betrayed the values of openness that lie at the heart of a healthy and prosperous capitalist system.

____________________________

John McCain, a Republican, is a senator from Arizona.

nytimes.com