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To: stockman_scott who wrote (1905)7/12/2002 12:44:23 AM
From: Raymond Duray  Respond to of 89467
 
THE EVIL EMPIRE: THE PLAYERS - OIL SLICK DICK - EPISODE 1

WHO IS DICK CHENEY?
MoveOn Bulletin
Thursday, July 11, 2002
Edited by Eli Pariser (eli.pariser@moveon.org)

Subscribe online at:
moveon.org

CONTENTS:

1.Introduction
2.One Link
3.Cheney in Numbers
4.Halliburton Days
5.A Lot of Energy
6.More About Cheney
7.About the MoveOn Bulletin and MoveOn.org

INTRODUCTION: MAN OF MYSTERY
"Cheney and Bush want privacy for their conversations, but not for anyone else's." --Tony Mauro in USA Today, Feb. 27,
2002

Since September 11, Vice President Dick Cheney has kept a low profile. For months, he rarely appeared at all, emerging
only to sell his political ideas on CNN or to dismiss allegations of corporate wrongdoing. Even now, Cheney mostly stays in a
"secure location," ready to spring into action if President Bush is attacked.

Unlike most politicians, Cheney actually enjoys working in the background. By his own account, he doesn't relish
campaigning, and he's hardly a natural spokesman, but Cheney excels at assembling and managing teams of people to "get
stuff done."

Since he and Bush arrived at the White House, Cheney has managed to accomplish quite a bit. He's met with the heads of
oil, gas, and nuclear power companies, assembled their "wish lists," and turned them into a new national Energy Plan.
Cheney's close relations with folks like Ken Lay of Enron have made this one of the most corporation-friendly administrations
in history.

In this issue of the MoveOn Bulletin, we take an in-depth look at Dick Cheney. It's not surprising that Cheney is avoiding the
limelight: an SEC investigation is under way on accounting practices at Halliburton, the company he ran, and Congress's
investigative body is still trying to determine how much of the Energy Plan he organized was shaped by oil, coal, and nuclear
energy executives. Given his key role in determining the policy and practice of the Bush administration, an understanding of
Cheney's history is important.

When Cheney was Chief of Staff for President Gerald Ford, his code name was "Backseat." Perhaps these days President
Bush's nickname suits him better: for Cheney, it's "Big Time."

ONE LINK
"[S]triking another blow for freedom from government interference, Mr. Cheney led Halliburton into the top ranks of
corporate welfare hogs, benefiting from almost $2 billion in taxpayer-insured loans from the U.S. Export-Import Bank and
the Overseas Private Investment Corp. In the five years before Mr. Cheney joined the company, it got a measly $100 million
in government loans." Molly Ivins' article, "Cheney's Mess Worth a Close Look" is online at:
commondreams.org

CHENEY IN NUMBERS

Cheney's 2000 income from Halliburton: $36,086,635
Increase in government contracts while Cheney led Halliburton: 91%
Minimum size of "accounting irregularity" that occurred while Cheney was CEO: $100,000,000 (One hundred
MILLION dollars)
Number of the seven official US "State Sponsors of Terror" that Halliburton contracted with: 2 out of 7
Pages of Energy Plan documents Cheney refused to give congressional investigators: 13,500
Amount energy companies gave the Bush/Cheney presidential campaign: $1,800,000

HALLIBURTON DAYS
"[W]hen I was Secretary of Defense, my biggest problem was with the Congress of the United States.

Now that I'm chairman and CEO of a Fortune 500 company, my biggest problem is the Congress of the United States."
--Dick Cheney, during an address to the Export-Import Bank Conference, May 8, 1997.

Cheney was asked to assume the helm of Halliburton in 1995. As one of the largest global providers of equipment and
services to the oil industry, Halliburton needed a chief executive who could ensure that the company had the government's full
support. Cheney's close connections to top government and industry decision makers made him perfect for this role.

In a debate with Vice Presidential candidate Joe Lieberman in 2000, Lieberman noted that Cheney had done well for himself
as CEO of Halliburton. Cheney responded flatly, "I can tell you, Joe, the government had absolutely nothing to do with it."
But even a glance at Cheney's tenure at Halliburton suggests otherwise.

During his five years as CEO, Cheney nearly doubled the size of Halliburton's government contracts, totaling a whopping
$2.3 billion. He convinced the Export-Import Bank of the U.S. to lend Halliburton and oil companies another $1.5 billion,
backed by U.S. taxpayers. As exposed in the article below, some of these loans went to a Russian company with ties to drug
dealing and organized crime.
public-i.org

Cheney's rule at Halliburton was characterized by a ruthless geopolitical strategy that put aside political beliefs whenever they
were inconvenient. In a number of cases, Halliburton and its subsidiaries supported or even ordered human rights violations
and broke international laws. Consider the following examples:

* Libyan dictator and suspected anti-U.S. terrorist Moammar Gadhafi engaged a foreign subsidiary of Halliburton company
Brown & Root to perform millions of dollars worth of work. According to the Baltimore Sun, Brown & Root was fined $3.8
million for violating Libyan sanctions. (Although Cheney wasn't leading Halliburton when these sales started, subsidiaries'
sales to Libya continued throughout his tenure.)

* Cheney claimed that he supported the U.S. sanctions on Iraq, but the Financial Times of London reported that through
foreign subsidiaries and affiliates, Halliburton became the biggest oil contractor for Iraq, selling more than $73 million in
goods and services to Saddam Hussein's regime. (See gwbush.com for a Washington Post article
on the matter.)

* In Burma, Halliburton joined oil companies in working on two notorious gas pipelines, the Yadana and Yetagun. According
to an Earth Rights report, "From 1992 until the present, thousands of villagers in Burma were forced to work in support of
these pipelines and related infrastructure, lost their homes due to forced relocation, and were raped, tortured and killed by
soldiers hired by the companies as security guards for the pipelines. One of Halliburton’s projects was undertaken during
Dick Cheney’s tenure as CEO." (The full report is linked to below.)

Halliburton is now being investigated by the Securities and Exchange Commission for Enron-style accounting practices that
took place while Cheney was CEO.
nytimes.com

More on Cheney and Halliburton:

For an extensive briefing on Halliburton and Cheney's foreign policy impact, check out this well-written and thorough report:
earthrights.org

Cheney made $36 million at Halliburton in 2000 alone. Thesmokinggun.com has his tax returns to prove it:
thesmokinggun.com

A LOT OF ENERGY
"Conservation may be a sign of personal virtue, but it is not a sufficient basis for a sound, comprehensive energy policy."
--Cheney, in a speech in Toronto, Canada, May 1, 2001.

The ongoing fracas over Cheney's Energy Plan ties together many of the themes of his working life: his corporate alliances,
especially with energy companies; his view of oil as integral to U.S. foreign policy; and his insistence on secrecy for the
activities of the Executive branch.

On May 16, 2001, Cheney revealed the results of months of meetings of his Energy Task Force: a national energy plan.
President Bush had established the Task Force in January 2001, under Vice President Cheney's leadership. (See
whitehouse.gov for the final plan.)

The plan essentially made Cheney's statement about 'personal virtue' national policy. It put a premium on exploring for and
extracting more oil, and proposed that the Arctic National Wildlife Reserve be used for this purpose. While it paid lip service
to alternative energy sources, its recommendations focused almost exclusively on the need for more "energy supply" -- more
oil, more nuclear plants, more coal.

According to the Natural Resources Defense Council, "the Bush plan would provide no short-term relief for Americans
struggling to pay their gasoline and electric bills this summer. And, over the long-term, it would increase pollution, despoil the
environment, threaten public health and accelerate global warming. Moreover, it would have no impact on energy prices, and
no practical effect on U.S. dependence on foreign sources of oil. Who would benefit? The oil, coal and nuclear industries that
shoveled millions of dollars into Bush campaign coffers."

Shortly before the Plan was revealed, controversy arose. On April 19, 2001, Representatives Henry Waxman (D-CA) and
John Dingell (D-MI) wrote to the General Accounting Office (GAO), asking it to investigate the Task Force. According to
the GAO, "The congressional investigation of the task force was prompted by news reports that the task force had met
privately with major campaign contributors, such as Kenneth Lay, the CEO of Enron, to discuss energy policy. According to
these reports, major Republican contributors attended private sessions with Vice President Cheney and the task force met
secretly with other contributors in formulating the President's National Energy Policy."

In response, Cheney's counsel returned a letter, refusing to disclose whom Cheney and the Task Force had met with and
even who was on the Task Force's staff. The GAO made a formal demand for information; Cheney rebuffed it, citing
Executive Privilege. It's worth noting that the GAO wasn't even requesting the minutes of the Task Force meetings; it merely
wanted to know who the Task Force met with, and when.

In late August 2001, a Los Angeles Times article exposed the connections between Cheney's Task Force and Bush's
campaign contributors. The article described how the final report adopted verbatim a global warming policy suggested by the
U.S. Energy Association (an energy industry group), how language was altered to favor Halliburton, and how a company
called Peabody Coal and its affiliates gave more than $900,000 to the Bush campaign and "gained extraordinary access" to
the Task Force. (See commondreams.org for a copy of the article.)

As Enron collapsed, Cheney continued to refuse access to the documents of the Task Force. In February 22, 2002, the
GAO filed suit to obtain the documents, some of which have since been turned over. But large questions about the
circumstances under which the Bush Administration's energy policy was formed remain. The evidence indicates that the final
product was a gift for the energy industry from Cheney, their former colleague.

More on Cheney and the Energy Plan:

The GAO's comprehensive timeline of the Cheney failure to turn over the Task Force documents is viewable at:
9-11%70%65%61%63%65.org/r2.php3?r=60

You can search the documents that Cheney was ordered to make public at:
nrdc.org

You can read NRDC's "Slower, Costlier, and Dirtier: A Critique of the Bush Energy Plan" at:
nrdc.org

"With so many new international crises erupting every day, it is hard to detect any clear forward direction to American U.S.
foreign policy. At times, it appears that providing a response to the latest upheaval is about all that Washington can
accomplish. But beneath the surface of day-to-day crisis management, one can see signs of an overarching plan for U.S.
policy: a strategy of global oil acquisition." --Michael Klare, Pacific News Service:
9-11%70%65%61%63%65.org/r2.php3?r=61

Satire: Cheney's 10 energy tips
9-11%70%65%61%63%65.org/r2.php3?r=62

MORE ABOUT CHENEY
The White House's official page on the Vice President:
whitehouse.gov

A short, and perhaps too sweet, biography that captures the highlights of Cheney's career:
infoplease.com

The Christian Science Monitor offers a little more background on Cheney, prior to the 2000 election. "Cheney's connections
and influence are seen everywhere these days - giving rise to talk that he's CEO to Bush's Chairman of the Board. Most
people around Cheney probably suffer from something like Rolodex-envy."
csmonitor.com

A PBS Newshour report on Cheney's management style and personality.
9-11%70%65%61%63%65.org/r2.php3?r=63

ABOUT THE MOVEON BULLETIN AND MOVEON
The MoveOn Bulletin is a free, biweekly email bulletin providing information, resources, news, and action ideas on the
political issues that shape our lives. The full text of the MoveOn Bulletin is online at moveon.org;
users can subscribe at that address. The MoveOn Bulletin is a project of MoveOn.org.

MoveOn.org is an issue-oriented, nonpartisan, nonprofit organization that gives people a voice in shaping the laws that affect
our lives. MoveOn.org engages people in the civic process, using the Internet to democratically determine a non-partisan
agenda, raising public awareness of pressing issues, and coordinating grassroots advocacy campaigns to encourage sound
public policies.

Source: Message 17724341



To: stockman_scott who wrote (1905)7/12/2002 12:47:10 AM
From: Raymond Duray  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 89467
 
THE EVIL EMPIRE: THE PLAYERS - PUG THE RUG - PART 2

"LOOTING IS OLD HAT FOR PUG"

onlinejournal.com

Tracking "Pug" Winokur, wolf in the Enron fold
By Larry Chin
Online Journal Contributing Editor


February 17, 2002—As headlines bellow outrage over Olympic Games figure skating fixes, no mainstream media ink has been devoted to the Enron fix, which is quickly becoming one of the biggest cover-ups in history. This fix began two weeks ago with the quietly accepted testimony of Enron board member Herbert "Pug" Winokur, an appearance that ensured that the charade would leave criminals protected and free, and plundered monies hidden.

In his report, Winokur, the chairman of Enron's finance committee (which is responsible for ensuring the financial soundness of the company) blamed the rest of Enron management, and the auditors at Arthur Andersen, for deceiving him. Members of the various investigating committees quickly accepted this implausible deflection and moved on, eager to avoid crossing the notorious Winokur.

Opponents of Winokur have ample reason to be petrified and silent.

Cutout, Fraudster, Keeper of Secrets

Herbert "Pug" Winokur, a longtime member of the Council on Foreign Relations, is a veteran Washington and Wall Street insider, intimately tied to military and intelligence hawks, wealthy elites and the Bush oligarchy. In addition to his key facilitator/enforcer role at Enron, Winokur is the CEO of the private Capricorn Holdings. Capricorn is the lead investor of DynCorp, and Winokur (who was the chairman of DynCorp's board of directors from 1987 to 1997) remains a DynCorp board member and chair of its compensation committee.

The company is a leading private contractor of the American global police state, a beneficiary of the "war on drugs," the "war on terrorism" and corporate globalization itself. Like Enron and other multinational corporations, DynCorp enjoys a special relationship with the US government leadership, doing "unsavory" work in hot spots around the world. The US government has "plausible deniability" when things go wrong (for instance, when people get killed). DynCorp gets big government contracts.

Although DynCorp touts itself as an "Internet technologies corporation," its work is nothing so benign. By contract, DynCorp manages the financial data and other electronic records for more than 30 U.S. government agencies, including the FBI, the State Department, the Department of Justice, the Defense Department, the Drug Enforcement Agency, the Bureau of Prisons, and the Office of National Drug Policy. The company is one of the few with access to PROMIS software, which gives its users access to worldwide banking records.

In addition to its intelligence database, DynCorp is also involved with asset forfeiture for various government agencies, including the Department of Justice.

In short, Winokur, through DynCorp, has the electronic goods on virtually everybody, and the means to shut down any agency, company or individual. Pug, in turn, enjoys J.Edgar Hoover-like powers to intimidate and destroy any political opponent, while looting the system in the process.

And looting is old hat for Pug.

Winokur's Capricorn Holdings was used as an investment vehicle in the National Housing Partnership (NHP), which from 1987 to 1997 was linked to massive HUD housing fraud and money laundering.

Since the late 1990s, Winokur has been on the Board of Directors of the Harvard Endowment Fund. Harvard, the alma mater of George W. Bush, has long been connected to Republicans and the agenda of the Bush family.

Before Enron collapsed, Winokur and Enron bullied Harvard professors into writing studies that promoted the privatization of government agencies and deregulating energy—-agendas that obviously benefit Enron and DynCorp. Based on these Harvard "studies," Enron subsequently won major contracts. (These contracts are still valid today.) Harvard also benefited from the shorting of Enron stock last fall, suggesting that insider trading had occurred. (www.harvardwatch.org.)

In another prime example of modern Enronomics, Winokur is affiliated with National Tank Company, an oil industry supplier. National Tank received $370,294 in sales from Enron in 2000.

Profiting From Death

In addition to its intelligence "database management," DynCorp wages war. It is one of many corporate proprietaries or "cut-outs" that run covert and overt American military operations all over the world. From the support and training of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) terrorists, to firefights alongside right-wing narco traffickers in Latin America, DynCorp has been there.

The outsourcing of US government violence is a time-honored trick. Not covered by the military rules, private mercenaries enjoy the freedom to commit a wide range of US-sanctioned mayhem, alongside the CIA and the Pentagon, while being lavishly funded with US taxpayer money.

DynCorp is the leading corporate mercenary behind the Plan Colombia, or "Andean Initiative." The company has a $600 million contract with the State Department to carry out "defoliation" in Colombia, Bolivia and Peru.

In Colombia, DynCorp works closely with the US-backed and US-funded narco-trafficking right-wing Colombian military, paramilitary death squads, and the CIA.

According to its State Department contract, DynCorp "participates in eradication missions, training, and drug interdiction, but also participates in air transport, reconnaissance, search and rescue, airborne medical evacuation, ferrying equipment and personnel from one country to another, as well as aircraft maintenance." DynCorp operates State Department aircraft, including jets, helicopters and crop dusters and provides all the personnel required to conduct warfare in Colombia, including administrative personnel.

DynCorp was connected with the shoot-down of a missionary plane in Peru that killed a woman and her seven-month old child. American spotters who fed Peruvian pilots the targets were DynCorp contractors.

Connecting the Dots

Few people in America understand the history and role of Pug Winokur better than Catherine Austin Fitts, former Assistant Secretary of Housing under the first Bush administration and former Republican fundraiser. Fitts butted heads with Winokur and other members of the Bush elite over her attempts to clean up the massive fraud associated with the savings and loan, BCCI, Iran-Contra and HUD pirating.

For her courageous efforts to investigate money laundering, and the link between the drug trade and Wall Street, Fitts has been the target of intimidation, eighteen tax audits, and other forms of harassment since turning on her former Republican allies.

[Note: Fitts' complete dossier on Winokur, his byzantine financial dealings, and his ties to the military and intelligence community, Harvard, the Bush family, and right wing Republicans can be read at www.newsmakingnews.com/catharvardmain.htm. Fitts' ongoing investigations into Enron, Winokur, money laundering and narco-trafficking are featured at her own web site, and at From the Wilderness and DrugWar.com.]

In a recent two-part interview for KPFA's "Flashpoints" <www.flashpoints.net>, Fitts offered the following observations about Winokur, the "Tony Soprano" of the Enron affair, and the cover-up no one is talking about.

A few highlights:

Arthur Andersen is also DynCorp's auditor.
Winokur's report accused Andersen of incompetence and deception. Yet, DynCorp has not fired Andersen.
Winokur's testimony came weeks after Enron and Arthur Andersen had ample time to shred documents and move massive amounts of monies.
The Department of Justice, through DynCorp and Winokur, has the tools to immediately seize and freeze assets. Ashcroft and the DoJ have made no effort to do so.
Enron and Arthur Andersen remain on government payrolls.
Nearly every member of Congress involved with investigating Enron has received campaign funding from Enron and Arthur Andersen.
Since 1997, various government agencies, including HUD, lost some $149 billion in funds from computer systems run by DynCorp and Lockheed Martin. Fitts suspects that Enron was a laundromat for these funds, which may have ultimately landed in the more than 700 of Enron's offshore accounts in the Cayman Islands and elsewhere. There has been no attempt by the US government to look into these accounts, despite the fact that Cayman Islands officials have invited inquiries.
Political Crime Redux and the Eternal Business of Corruption

The Enron "investigation" by the Department of Justice, the SEC and Congress is an elaborate charade. In Fitts' words, it is "yah yah" that is leaving gaping back door avenues that allow monies to disappear, and perpetrators to slip through the cracks.

Trilateralist, Rockefeller crony, and Council on Foreign Relations heavyweight Paul Volcker, the former Federal Reserve chairman, (and the man best known for declaring that "the living standard of every American must decline") is heading an "internal reform" of Arthur Andersen. Assisting him will be former US Senator John Danforth, the right wing ideologue who muscled Clarence Thomas onto the Supreme Court.

Given the fact that none of the major Iran-Contra, BCCI, Watergate or S&L masterminds have been appropriately punished, Kenny Boy Lay and the Enron players are surely not preparing for jail time. More likely, they are preparing for comfortable retirements. And in the future, after public attention fades, they will enjoy seats in presidential cabinets, on corporate boards, and on influential policy planning commissions at right wing "think" tanks.

Consider the fact that George W. Bush is the master of the world. His administration consists of the entire Iran-Contra network—Elliott Abrams, Otto Reich, John Negroponte, Colin Powell, Dick Armitage, Asa Hutchinson, and of course, Dick Cheney. Richard Secord is "consulting" in Central Asia. Jeb Bush runs Florida. Narco-trafficker Oliver North is a TV celebrity. General John Singlaub is being paid to make patriotic speeches. Poppy Bush, Frank Carlucci, Jim Baker and the Carlyle Group are raking in millions, and millions more as the American war spreads.

While blustery speeches are made by "angry" members of Congress, the Enron money trail has already grown cold.

People like Herbert "Pug" Winokur will see that it stays that way.