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Strategies & Market Trends : Booms, Busts, and Recoveries -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: smolejv@gmx.net who wrote (21460)7/20/2002 10:21:32 AM
From: TobagoJack  Respond to of 74559
 
Try this instead ...

economist.com

Stockmarkets in America and Europe

Stop this dream

Jul 18th 2002
From The Economist print edition

Might stockmarkets still have a lot further to fall?

CHEER up: a point will come when share-price falls on both sides of the Atlantic are no longer warranted by the calculation of future returns from those shares. And, all can agree, that point is now closer. For over a week until July 16th, American markets fell almost every day, and Europe followed or fell even more.

America's S&P 500 index has now shed 20% this year and 40% of its value since its peak in March 2000 (see chart). London's FTSE 100 index is also down by 40% from its peak in December 1999, retracing six years of gains. The FTSE Eurotop 300 index of continental European shares has fallen by 45%. Connoisseurs of manias, panics and crashes talk of a stage of capitulation in every bubble's bursting, when investors abandon hope that share prices will ever find a floor. With hairdressers and out-of-work actors now losing sleep—and calling their brokers in the morning—has the moment of capitulation come?

Not yet. Put aside for now the effect on share prices of what the chairman of the Federal Reserve, Alan Greenspan, this week called the “infectious greed” of executives and shareholders—a greed that has done much to knock confidence in the system of capitalism itself. Even without those doubts, share prices in America, though much less so in Europe, are still out of line with what the economy is likely to deliver in the coming years.

How far out depends on your assumptions about future economic growth and hence corporate profits, but even more on what method you choose for valuing shares. A growing band of analysts who think the market is bottoming out points to a tried old method, called the Fed model. It looks at the gap between the earnings yield (earnings per share divided by the share price) of the S&P 500 and the yield on ten-year Treasury bonds. Buy, the model screams. Compared with bond yields, American shares are at their cheapest since 1987, or since 1980 if forward-looking earnings are used.

Not so fast. The Fed model may have been a good predictor of value during the bull market of the 1980s and 1990s, but today's environment is suddenly different. Powerful deflationary forces arise when stockmarket and high-technology bubbles burst, and when there are savage cuts in inventories and company investment. If bond yields are falling because a deflationary trend has taken hold, that is no longer good for equities. Just look at Japan since 1990 and the rest of Asia after its financial crisis of 1997-98.

Deflation helps to explain why, for the first time since the 1930s, share prices have not responded to aggressive easing by the Federal Reserve, even though interest rates are at a 40-year low. Bonds and equities, says Christopher Wood of CLSA, a securities house, have decoupled. Bonds, not equities, are the best asset class in times of deflation—notably euro bonds, if the currency continues to rise above the parity it breached against the dollar this week.

What are better measures of share valuation, then? In America, the price/earnings (p/e) ratio—share prices divided by earnings per share—still assumes implausibly high growth in company earnings. The post-war average p/e for the S&P 500 is 15; now it is 40, implying a drop in share prices of three-fifths to return to the historical norm. Yes, but the ratio is high in part because earnings have been hit by all sorts of exceptional costs and write-offs. That is precisely the problem, retorts Martin Wolf in the Financial Times. These write-offs reflect earnings that companies exaggerated in the boom years. Who is to say that today's reported figures do not hide more nasty surprises, in the form of manipulated earnings, duff investments or outright fraud?

Investors, in other words, ought logically to demand a higher risk premium for holding equities, implying lower share prices. Dresdner Kleinwort Wasserstein does a back-of-the-envelope estimate. That firm supposes that investors now expect a very modest 7% annual return from American equities (four percentage points more—this is the equity-risk premium—than the return on Treasury bonds indexed against inflation). Such a risk premium implies that the S&P 500 may still need to fall by another 40-50%.

Here's another quaint notion, one that would have been laughed out of hand not long ago: judge shares by the dividend cheques companies write. If investors can no longer count on capital gains from their equity holdings, a steady flow of income, namely dividends, might well prove welcome. Again, the idea bodes ill for current share prices in America. The dividend yield on American shares averages 1.7%, though add in share buybacks, which increase returns to shareholders, and the figure rises to 2.3%. Assume a trend rate of growth for the American economy of, say, 3%. Then, very roughly, the expected long-term return on equities should be the two figures added together—that is, 5.3%. Since the return from index-linked Treasuries is just 3%, this implies a very small premium for the risk of holding equities of just 2.3%. Lower share prices are the conclusion.

There was a time when Europe could afford not to be particularly bothered by what happened in American markets: no longer. Between 1976 and 1999, correlations between American and European markets were low, ranging from 0.24 for Italy (0.0 represents no correlation and 1.0 represents lock-step movement) to 0.5 for Britain. Since late 2000 correlations have been as high as 0.9. Some correlation is justified by growing trade and investment linkages between America and Europe. Some, too, is explained by a similar trajectory in Europe of an asset-driven boom and bust. Still, it is hard to argue that European excesses were greater than America's, and certainly stockmarkets did not rise as high. Yet they have fallen by more.

The outcome is that, by most measures of valuation, share values in Europe are more justifiable than they are in America. In Britain, for instance, the equity-risk premium is reckoned to be at around its historical average. Certainly, p/e ratios there are back to their average; they are below average on the continent. In a look at implied volatility in the options market, Lehman Brothers says that continental share valuations are showing signs of distress akin to the time of the Russian crisis of 1998 and last September's attacks. It bets on a rally before long.

If the new era of tightened correlation allows it. In this bear market, jittery investors seem to have sold indiscriminately in favour of bonds with a cast-iron return. That leads to a final concern. Just as stockmarkets overshot on the way up, so they will overshoot on the way down. No big deal, you might think—a chance, even, for bold investors to make a killing. The danger comes when plunging stockmarkets swamp an emerging economic recovery. That has not happened yet. Yet the risks have risen over these turbulent weeks.



To: smolejv@gmx.net who wrote (21460)7/20/2002 10:22:59 AM
From: TobagoJack  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 74559
 
And we keep watching this ...

economist.com

Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac

Mortgage myopia

Jul 18th 2002 | NEW YORK
From The Economist print edition

Scrutiny, at last, of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac

A TEST for how well Congress can reorder America's financial system is whether it tames its own wayward children. Fannie Mae, Freddie Mac, the Federal Home Loan Bank System and other financial institutions were created by the government years ago to provide liquidity in markets that have long since grown beyond the need for government support.

All of these government-sponsored enterprises operate under special laws that, to varying degrees, provide advantages over their private-sector competitors: lower tax obligations, lighter disclosure requirements, freedom from marking securities they hold to market prices, an implicit (though usually denied) government guarantee for their debt—and, because of all the above, a cost of funding below even the most creditworthy private firms.

Their competitive advantage has allowed these organisations to become huge participants in some of the world's biggest financial markets. In home finance, for instance, they have issued three-fifths of the $4 trillion in outstanding mortgage-backed securities in America. Their annual rate of growth in assets is over 15%, double the overall growth in mortgages. Understandably, many of the big banks and financial institutions are livid over their loss of market share.

In the past, says Bert Ely, whose consultancy follows financial policy, objections were met by heavy lobbying, the appointment of people with political connections to managerial and board posts, and marketing campaigns to suggest that these entities furthered such American values as home ownership and farming. Now, opposition to their favoured status is mounting among the banks and financial institutions that compete for market share, and mounting even in the nation's capital. On July 15th congressional hearings on these enterprises restarted, after a year's hiatus. Three days earlier, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac agreed to file the same quarterly and annual financial reports required of every other publicly traded company.

It is a start, but only a start. After all, the agreement lets both Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac remain exempt from the Securities Act of 1933, the bedrock legislation for America's public markets that covers disclosure for security offerings. Yet few companies are more active offerers, rebundling mortgages into issues of mortgage-backed bonds.

Their continuing exemption breeds two suspicions on Wall Street, although they are admittedly contradictory. The first is that they retain the better mortgage-backed securities on their books, that is, the ones with less risk of being repaid early; they then flog off the rest. Over time, this would push up mortgage rates and undermine the rationale for Congress creating these agencies in the first place.

Of equal concern in other parts of the market is that Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac are in fact keeping the poorer quality of mortgages on their books, and so concealing possible problems in their fast-growing balance sheets. Together, the two agencies hold well over $1 trillion in mortgage-backed securities. Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac began testing a more sophisticated measure of capital adequacy—running to 600 pages of prescription—only last September, after a ten-year delay. They met their targets for capital adequacy only through the heavy use of derivatives. How vulnerable does that leave them to the collapse of a big derivatives trader?

Any crisis at Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac would have consequences for the financial system. Mutual funds are large holders of their debt. So, too, are banks and thrifts, because the debt of government agencies is exempt from normal rules limiting exposure to any one borrower. In the event of a crisis, it is hard to imagine any institution apart from the Treasury Department with the financial clout to arrange a rescue.

Testifying to Congress this week, a Treasury under-secretary, Peter Fisher, said that the proposed changes to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac did not go far enough. For instance, they did not cover other similar bodies, including two farm-credit operations and another providing student loans. “The government-sponsored entities—and particularly the housing entities—are no longer modest experiments on the fringes of our financial system,” said Mr Fisher. “They need to be role models for our system of investor protection, not exceptions to it.”



To: smolejv@gmx.net who wrote (21460)7/20/2002 10:25:27 AM
From: TobagoJack  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 74559
 
I watch this ... have 3+% NAV in this IPO, and nothing to do with patriotism ... it's just about money and returns

economist.com

Bank of China

One country, two banks

Jul 18th 2002 | HONG KONG
From The Economist print edition

For the first time at a big state bank, outside capital is invited—up to a point
Reuters

Where patriots lead, punters follow

AS THE Economist went to press this week, an initial public offering of shares in the Hong Kong subsidiary of the Bank of China, one of the mainland's four state-owned banks, seemed already to be oversubscribed. The first to express interest was Standard Chartered, a British bank with ambitions in mainland China. Then Hong Kong's property tycoons—all unerring friends of Beijing—piled in, led by Li Ka-shing, the city's richest magnate. Thus reassured, students and housewives began queuing at bank branches for application forms. The only investors still sitting on the fence were global fund managers.

The listing prospectus, published on July 15th, is probably the most honest document ever published by a Chinese state bank. “We believe,” it says, “that we are financially independent.” Only believe? The precise degree of independence matters. In Hong Kong, the Bank of China is, after HSBC, the city's second-largest deposit-taker and lender, one of its three issuers of paper currency, and the owner of its most spectacular skyscraper. Among its peer group, on the other hand, it looks decidedly mediocre. Bad loans came to 11% of total loans last year, almost twice the Hong Kong average.

For some investors, such as Standard Chartered, the big difference is that the bank is the only one in Hong Kong that is owned by a mainland parent. As a member of the World Trade Organisation, China has to open its banking system to foreigners. This will benefit those with access to a mainland distribution network.

For most investors, however, the link represents risk. Under any proper accounting, the parent bank would certainly be insolvent—though less emphatically so than the other three big state banks. The international arm needs to protest its independence in order to persuade world investors that foreign money will not be used to engineer a bail-out of its mainland parent.

Even short of that, the affiliation could cause nightmares. One reason why the share offering was delayed, and its New York tranche scrapped entirely, was a series of revelations earlier this year of fraud within the Bank of China. These ranged from nearly $480m of embezzlements at a southern bank branch on the mainland to irregularities by the bank's former chairman, Wang Xuebing, who now faces prosecution in China. The prospectus warns that “other problems associated with past deficiencies may come to light.”

So how independent should investors believe the subsidiary to be? Only a quarter of the bank's equity is for sale in the public offering—for a bit less than $3 billion. That leaves the parent with most of the voting rights and the power to appoint directors. On the other hand, minority investors will have redress in Hong Kong's courts to sue if they feel ripped off, and the four independent directors will keep that in mind. As for the other directors—above all, Liu Mingkang, the bank's chairman both on the mainland and in Hong Kong—the incentives are also reassuring. Any perceived failure in the debut of China's banking system on world capital markets would mean a loss of face at home, and probably political death. Fund managers, by contrast, have only money to lose.