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Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (3351)7/27/2002 11:45:51 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
COMMENTARY: Most of Us Aren't Rich, and Thank Goodness for That

A depression may be headed off because so many Americans can't afford to invest.

By ROBERT KUTTNER
Editorial
The Los Angeles Times
July 26, 2002

Here is a paradox to ponder. If the stock market crash stops short of an economic depression, we can partly thank government spending--but we can also thank America's extreme concentration of private wealth.

It's true, as widely reported, that about half of all Americans are now shareholders. But stock ownership is very narrow.

The majority of all shares is held by the richest 10%. And the typical (median) American who does own shares has less than $25,000 worth of stock.

So, for the vast majority of working-age Americans, stocks are simply not a factor in household budgets. Most of us live on paychecks, not dividends and capital gains.

Moreover, ordinary people who do hold stocks have their holdings mostly tied up in IRAs, Keogh plans, 401(k)s and other forms of retirement savings that can't be spent now without severe tax penalties. So a paper loss in these assets doesn't affect current consumption.

All of this helps explain why consumer spending has held up despite the market plunge.

There are two exceptions to this story.

One, as noted, is very wealthy people. However, the wealthiest Americans don't spend most of their earnings in any event. So a plunge in share prices is largely a paper loss with little effect on the daily spending habits of the wealthy.

The other exception is retired people or people near retirement age.

This is a very different story. If there is one group of Americans disproportionately hurt by the stock market meltdown, it is people over age 65.

For people in retirement, IRAs, Keoghs, 401(k)s and ordinary savings invested in stocks and bonds are a big part of one's income. And recent shifts in the market have hurt elderly people in multiple ways.

For one thing, during the last decade corporations reduced dividend payouts relative to corporate profits. With senior executives being personally rewarded through stock options and bonus plans based on the company's share price, corporate strategists have used more of company earnings to buy back stock rather than pay out dividends.

Stock buybacks tend to boost share prices--and executive compensation.

As long as stock prices kept going up, retirees didn't mind the reduced dividends because they had capital gains. With share prices appreciating handsomely, you could always sell some stock. But with stock prices going down, it's no time to sell, and the depleted dividend checks are a major income loss.

In addition, very low interest yields leave retired people with skimpy earnings if they shift to bonds. And with almost no inflation these days, annual adjustments in Social Security checks are pitifully low.

But while this is a severe hardship for many retired people, it's not enough to sink the entire economy.

For one thing, people over 65 are only about 12% of the population. For another, the biggest single source of retirement income for most retired people is Social Security. Despite conservative privatization schemes, Social Security, thankfully, is still insulated from stock market gyrations.

People in their 50s and early 60s contemplating retirement are also hit harder than younger workers because they have more stock holdings, and their ability to retire on schedule depends on their financial assets. A younger worker can wait for the market to come back; a retiree can't.

Nonetheless, even among people 55 to 64 the average value of stocks held is less than $50,000. For most people in this age bracket, the biggest form of savings is the equity in one's home.

A collapsing stock market does have psychological effects, which in turn have real economic effects. People are now saving more and spending less. Businesses are trimming capital spending. Bank balance sheets are deteriorating. Foreign investors are pulling back from U.S. financial markets. All of this contributes to economic slowdown.

But government spending keeps a stock market rout from becoming a full-blown economic disaster. And so does capitalism's dirty little secret--most people are just not big-time investors.

This, of course, is nothing to boast about.

The widening disparity between the pay levels of executives and those of ordinary workers is a national disgrace. So are tax giveaways to the rich at the expense of social outlays with broad benefits. And if pension plans were less stingy and pay packages were more generous, more Americans could afford to join the investor class. But for now, ironically, it's a mercy for the economy that they aren't in it.
_____________________________________________
Robert Kuttner is co-editor of the American Prospect.

latimes.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (3351)7/27/2002 3:34:08 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Poll: CEOs should pay for this mess

Respondents see need for criminal penalties

By James B. Arndorfer
Crain's Chicago Business
July 22, 2002

Executives who commit financial fraud should get hit in their pocketbooks, according to respondents to a Crain's online poll.

Nearly 93% of respondents say corporate officers who prospered by reporting false information about their companies' finances should forfeit their gains to employees whose jobs disappeared because of executive misconduct.

Also, more than 94% of respondents want corporate officers to face criminal penalties if their companies are found guilty of financial reporting fraud.

The poll results reflect public anger over the recent wave of corporate scandals that have destroyed tens of thousands of jobs, vaporized billions of dollars in market capitalization and shriveled retirement plans. Fully 65% of respondents blame the mess on CEOs, and just over 22% blame auditors.

The unscientific poll, conducted last week on ChicagoBusiness.com, Crain's Web site, drew 823 responses.

"People are angry," says Charles Elson, director of the Center for Corporate Governance at the University of Delaware in Newark, Del. "Unjust, fraudulent self-enrichment gets them angry."

Besides anger, fear emerges from the responses, as people expect more companies to join Enron Corp. and WorldCom Inc. in the scandal coverage.

Nearly 81% of respondents expect more corporate scandals involving major companies to emerge over the next few months. And nearly 46% say they will undermine investor confidence, which is already crumbling, while 23% fear they will stall the U.S. economic recovery.

If corporate scandals and the attendant plunge in the stock market frighten businesses and consumers enough, the economy could take another hit.

"Both corporate managers and households (could) become more risk-averse," says Paul Kasriel, chief economist at Chicago's Northern Trust Co. "That could lead to "a slowdown in spending."

Because millions of people have seen their 401(k) or pension accounts shrink, politicians are expected to harp on the scandals in the upcoming elections. Nearly 57% of respondents expect that corporate abuse and how to fix it will be a hot election issue.

That could be bad news for Republicans, seen as the traditional ally of big business, says Alan Gitelson, a political science professor at Chicago's Loyola University. Democrats plan to make hay with the issue.

"The Republicans are going to be in a defensive position," he says.

But Mr. Gitelson says it's much too early to say which party will end up with the majority in the U.S. Senate or the House of Representatives. It's also too early to predict whether Securities and Exchange Commission Chairman Harvey Pitt — criticized for his close ties to the accounting industry — will keep his job.

A narrow majority of poll respondents — just over 51% — say Mr. Pitt should step down.

Despite calls for reform — nearly 73% of respondents want auditors to be prohibited from doing any consulting work for audit clients — more than 54% believe business leaders should take charge of closing the corporate credibility gap. A little more than 22% say Congress should take the point, and 10% say President George W. Bush should lead reform efforts.

Indeed, Jerome Castellini, president of Chicago-based investment firm CastleArk Management LLC, says the market will regulate corporate governance and accountability, because having been burned, it will demand that managers make their accounting and earnings more understandable to investors.

"The market will pay higher (prices) for more transparency," Mr. Castellini says. "(Managers) will push their companies to make everything as transparent as possible."

©2002 by Crain Communications Inc.

chicagobusiness.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (3351)7/27/2002 8:13:43 PM
From: jjkirk  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 89467
 
"Enron victims have FINALLY found the deep pockets that
they've been looking for all year! Enron didn't have any
money left for them. Arthur Anderson was also reduced to
rubble. But with Citigroup and JP Morgan Chase, they
haven't wasted any time in going for the gold.

"Enron investors have just added nine investment banks,
including JP Morgan and Citigroup, to their fraud
lawsuit against Enron. They charge that the banks knew
of Enron's weak financial condition and questionable
partnerships, but still marketed securities to
unsuspecting investors.

"JP Morgan's insurance companies are suing, too!
The bank filed a claim for payment on Enron's failed
"trades." The insurance companies' take? Those trades
were loans in disguise -- and JP Morgan Chase isn't
entitled to its $1 billion claim.

"A Senate panel investigating the Enron collapse found that
JP Morgan and Citigroup played an active role in helping
Enron hide its debts. According to a Senate investigator,
the banks structured complex financial schemes that
allowed Enron to record money it received from bank loans
as prepaid trades of natural gas and commodities.

"Now, the Securities and Exchange Commission is conducting
its own investigation into JP Morgan and Citigroup for
their role in the Enron collapse. The SEC is cracking down
on corporate fraud, and will surely punish any company
who is facilitating it. The result could be a house cleaning
like the one that is happening with analysts at Merrill
Lynch and Goldman Sachs!

"But like we said last week, this is just the tip of the
iceberg. Wherever there's an accounting scandal, there are
inevitably big debts; and wherever there are big debts,
you can be sure that banks are lurking in the background.
Whether or not they've played a role in the accounting
shenanigans, they still get hurt badly when the companies
default on their payments.

"Banks have already been hit hard by the bear market --
lucrative businesses such as mergers & acquisitions and
initial public offerings have plunged. If big banks get
slapped with regulatory fines and a wave of lawsuits from
questionable activity -- they can kiss their profits goodbye! "

From a Martin Weiss, Safe Money Report solicitation...jj



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (3351)7/27/2002 10:15:59 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Time to step up to the plate

By David Gergen • Editor-at-large
US News & World Report
7/29/02

Advisers to George W. Bush say he has done enough to bolster the economic outlook and will resist further actions. Beg your pardon? To protect the country and indeed to protect his presidency, he ought to do just the opposite, asserting the same decisive leadership we saw last September.


While the underlying fundamentals are strong, as Alan Greenspan testified, investors are in a funk, and no one knows where the bottom is. Even as the Dow hit a new post-9/11 low last week, the deputy secretary of the treasury was telling foreign reporters that the market is still overvalued, and some market sages believe it could even skid into the 6000-to-7000 range. Remember Greenspan's "irrational exuberance"? The Dow stood at 6400 then.

There's a case to be made, however, that pessimism has gone too far–that we are in a reverse bubble where exuberance has given way to irrational gloom. Thus, we shouldn't panic. But it's also possible the pessimists are right and that we're in for more rough times unless we take strong, curative medicine. The more average Americans try to figure it out, the more confusing the picture can be.

Which is why we look to our president at moments like this. For 70 years, since Franklin Roosevelt galvanized the nation with his inaugural declaration that "the only thing we have to fear is fear itself," we have expected the president to shepherd us through economic crises. FDR found that he could not dispel the Depression. But he realized that when a leader can't solve a problem, he can at least help people through it. And that's what he did: He built a bridge of hope, helping people hang on until they reached safety.

Across the valley. Sadly, Bush so far has drawn more comparisons to Herbert Hoover than to FDR. For a man who stood so tall after September 11, Bush has been slow and wobbly in tackling the crisis in corporate ethics. In an administration that has had an exquisite sense of the public mood since taking office, it has also been tone deaf in answering questions about the past business careers of both the president and vice president. Two thirds now say his team is too beholden to corporate interests.

If he stays on this course and the markets continue to deteriorate, the damage could be huge. A slide of another 20 percent or more would destroy the dreams of many retirees, further spook consumers, put more pressure on the dollar, and crack the housing market, now the last, best hope of millions. If the Dow is unlikely to see 10,000 anytime soon, as many experts expect, it will bode ill for the Bush presidency. His polls remain high, but members of Congress who stood in awe of the president only a few months ago are now challenging his policies in one area after another–the economy, homeland security, and Iraq.

What to do? Just as FDR couldn't wave a wand and end the Depression, Bush can't order stock prices up. But as Roosevelt did–and as Bush has done in the war on terrorism–he can show people that their government is fighting to protect them and that, however deep and long the valley, we will find safe ground on the other side.

For starters, Bush should stop shilly-shallying about which legislative version of reform he prefers and swing solidly behind the bill sponsored by Democratic Sen. Paul Sarbanes of Maryland, embraced by former Fed Chairman Paul Volcker, and passed by the Senate 97 to 0. Then he should act to shore up his economic team. Fairly or not, his Securities and Exchange Commission chief, Harvey Pitt, is far too compromised now to be effective. Others are good people but do not inspire the same confidence as the president's national security advisers.

To gain public confidence, Bush should ask Volcker to head a new, bipartisan economic advisory council that brings to the White House on a regular basis the most respected economic figures in the country. People like Robert Rubin, Warren Buffett (who has been influential in decisions by Coca-Cola and the Washington Post Co. to properly expense stock options), Lou Gerstner, Pete Peterson, Hank Paulson, Carla Hills, and Martin Feldstein. Invite congressional leaders to join, and after the Sarbanes bill passes, ask for a pause in legislation so that the president and his expanded economic team can figure out what more is needed.

Bush must also act swiftly to lance the boil forming around his own ethics and those of his vice president. Both Bush and Dick Cheney have proven records of honor, so they certainly deserve the benefit of the doubt. But their reluctance to disclose all documents and answer all questions about their past business activities is now hurting them. Full disclosure will put this issue behind them.

In his second fireside chat, FDR confessed that he would make mistakes in economic policy, but if he kept swinging, he said, he would get some hits. He did. Bush has made some missteps early on. But if he steps up to the plate again and starts swinging, they will soon be forgotten.

usnews.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (3351)7/27/2002 10:27:06 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
THE INTERNATIONAL FORECASTER 27 JULY 2002 (#4)

(An international financial, economic, political and social commentary.)
Published and Edited by: Bob Chapman Vol. 6- No. 7-4
Phone & Fax: 941 639 4756
NEW: E-mail: bif4653@comcast.net

US MARKETS

There was a secret emergency meeting on Wednesday night to discuss the deteriorating situation of Citibank and JP Morgan Chase and Morgan’s $24 trillion derivative position.

Our spies tell us Citigroup and JP Morgan Chase are going to stay separate and have a significant merger of operations. The merger will also involve canceling out mutual obligations.

Chase is to get an off-the-books line of credit from the US Treasury. The real problem is the derivatives position. Treasury did not offer the money to unwrap it at current levels. If the price of gold can be kept down the whole contraption can hobble along for a while. Ultimately, we think Chase is toast and Citigroup will not fare much better.

They are plotting a big announcement from George W. Bush to seize public attention, but we haven’t yet found out what it is. Probably they don’t yet know. All they want is a means of driving the market collapse out of the headlines. Every thinking person must be worried about what Dubya might do.

We surmise that US plans regarding the Middle East will be expanded. White House staffers are talking about Saudi Arabia.

Unsurprisingly, the net effect of this meeting is to convey a taxpayer-funded loan to the banks and to move risk for the derivatives position to the US Treasury.



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (3351)7/27/2002 10:48:58 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
bearsden.net



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (3351)7/28/2002 6:22:20 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
A Tone-Deaf Economic Team


By Jim Hoagland
Columnist
The Washington Post
Sunday, July 28, 2002

The dysfunctionality of the Bush administration's economic policy team paraded into public view long before a plunging stock market slammed the point home this summer. Billions of investor dollars later, it is time for a change.

President Bush has stocked his Cabinet with officials with tin ears. They cannot hear what markets, the media and even their own advisers try to tell them. This is particularly true of the non-team that Bush has non-managing the financial free-fall caused by the bursting of the stock bubble and a tsunami-like wave of corporate corruption.

Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill -- a good man, in Bush parlance and in reality -- has devoted himself in office to tarnishing a once-glowing reputation for efficiency and vision. He has spooked markets and antagonized or mystified other key members of the world financial community with puzzling regularity. His credibility as a reassuring spokesman -- the most important single job a treasury secretary can have in times of turmoil -- has shrunk to insignificance.

But O'Neill turns out to have only the second-thickest tin ear among Bush appointees. Harvey Pitt gets the trophy: In the middle of last week's politically damaging shareholder stampede, the Securities and Exchange Commission chairman demanded a promotion to Bush's Cabinet and a pay raise so he could fight fraud. Even the shame-free Bush White House disavowed Pitt's effort to make his request part of a corporate reform bill.

The problem is that the problem does not end with O'Neill and Pitt. International economic policy -- the strong point of the Clinton administration -- is AWOL in the Bush years. It was missing before Sept. 11 and still is today, when other priorities understandably occupy the president.

Early promises of close coordination between the White House and Treasury on foreign economic challenges were never fulfilled. When Argentina or Turkey stumble financially, the international system cannot predict how -- or if -- Washington will decide to help out. Uncertainty prevails and inhibits action and investment.

The exception is trade. U.S. Trade Representative Robert Zoellick has labored to make it an area of initiative and accomplishment. But Zoellick gets little help and has soldiered on with increasing difficulty since Sept. 11 reminded the world that borders exist and must be guarded.

Domestically, Bush's economic advisers arrived with one arrow in their quiver: tax cuts. Once they shot it aloft, they had nothing else to offer. Every challenge they encountered or could envision had a single answer: tax cuts. Like the rest of us, they could not envision Sept. 11. Unlike the rest of us, they continue to pretend that the day of terror changed nothing in their theories or in the world.

Dysfunction alone may not be enough to get Bush to shake up this failing team. He is notoriously loyal to aides. He sticks with Army Secretary Thomas White as a great manager even though White cannot convincingly explain how he could have known nothing about the shady dealings of Enron, where he was a division vice-chairman.

Bush also seems to pay little notice to the gaffes by O'Neill, handpicked for his job by Vice President Cheney, the pratfalls by Pitt or the administration's missing economic policy. Bush is either loyal to a fault or -- equally dangerous for an elected leader -- unwilling to admit that he could have made mistakes in filling key jobs.

The time rapidly approaches when Bush-the-loyalist meets up with Bush-the-candidate for reelection however. Late July is when official Washington begins to think seriously about Act Two of a presidential term. It is midsummer night-and-day dreaming about jobs that may soon come open.

Congressional elections in November set the stage for the midterm ritual of orderly departures from the Cabinet by both the disappointed and the disappointing. Bush is too astute a politician to let slip that opportunity to bring in new faces.

But the question is whether he and the Republican Party can afford to wait that long. GOP expectations that the war on terrorism would automatically bring Republican gains in November are being ground down by the appearance of chaos and crime in the markets. Bush's own standing suffers from the contrast between the integrity and discipline he demands of all in the war on global terror and his administration's puny, grudging and, yes, tone-deaf, responses to national financial distress.

The costs of inaction in the face of continuing financial failure will be high for the nation, the Bush presidency and the reputations of good men and women who have inadvertently made themselves millstones around the neck of their leader.

© 2002 The Washington Post Company

washingtonpost.com