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Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Raymond Duray who wrote (3737)8/2/2002 3:13:02 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Invading Iraq has little to do with "War on Terrorism"

By Jackson Thoreau
Online Journal Contributing Writer

onlinejournal.com

All wars come down to the possession of wealth.—Plato

August 1, 2002—I have studied pacifism, but I'm not a pacifist. I try to practice Christianity, but I don't always turn the other cheek. I don't own a gun, but I keep a baseball bat under my bed, and if someone broke into my house with the intent of harming my family, you better believe I'd use it.

I guess you could say I'm a realistic idealist.

So when it comes to this question that the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee is tackling, whether we have the right to invade Iraq again, I do not approach this without some heavy pondering, unlike the illegitimate one in the White House who displays little signs of a conscience.

It's difficult to say which country has been ravaged more by war and economic woes in the past decade, Afghanistan or Iraq. In the Persian Gulf War of 1990–91, when our bombs destroyed many Iraqi civilian facilities, such as homes, schools, mosques, and hospitals, more than 100,000 Iraqis died, along with 148 Americans. Since the United Nations imposed economic sanctions on Iraq after it invaded Kuwait in 1990, more than one million additional Iraqis—many of them children under the age of five—have died of sanctions-related causes, such as amoebic dysentery and starvation.

Diseases could have been treated, and thus many lives saved, had relief workers with such groups as the Red Cross, Voices in the Wilderness, and Veterans for Peace been able to get basic medicines to these children. Meanwhile, companies like Halliburton can make millions by selling Iraq oil equipment through European subsidiaries, somehow getting around the sanctions. It's no coincidence that Halliburton did this when Dick Cheney headed that Texas-based firm, as he is quite adept at getting around laws most of us have to live by, such as the 12th Amendment to the Constitution.

Ramsey Clark, the former U.S. Attorney General, reported to the UN Security Council in 1997 that the number of Iraqi children under age five who died increased from about 7,000 in 1989 to 57,000 in 1996. That number continued to rise to 78,000 dead in 1998, according to the Iraq Resource Information Site.

Clark reported touring hospitals with bloated babies not expected to live a day, facilities without clean water or air conditioning or enough basic supplies. While many people blamed the harsh conditions on Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein for invading Kuwait and ignoring the needs of many citizens, Clark called the situation "a human disaster created by the United Nations, a genocide intended to destroy a national, religious and ethnic group."

Compare Iraq, with its 2,000 tanks and several hundred aircraft, to our country, arguably the most powerful, sophisticated military machine in known history. We spend about $396 billion a year on the military—and that number is expected to increase substantially in the coming years (at the height of the Cold War with the former Soviet Union, we spent about $300 billion). The closest country in military spending is Russia at $60 billion annually, according to the Center for Defense Information. Iraq spends a piddling $1.4 billion on defense, less than Vietnam, Columbia, and Kuwait. Another country in that "axis of evil" Bush wants us to fear so much, North Korea, spends even less at $1.3 billion. Iran, the third "evil" country, is up there at $9.1 billion but still only ranks thirteenth in the world in military spending (see www.cdi.org/issues/wme/spendersFY03.html for a list of what other countries spend).

Why are we supposed to fear a country that we outspend almost 300 times more on defense? Is it because much of what we spend actually goes to defend the security of other countries like Germany, or more accurately, the security of U.S.-owned multinational corporations in those countries? Much of our defense dollars line already more than wealthy pockets in our country. In keeping with the wave of fraudulent accounting in private corporations, the Pentagon cannot properly account for $1.2 trillion in past transactions, according to the U.S. Inspector General's office.

I'm all for combating terrorism—Clinton and Gore tried to get airport security beefed up several years ago, but the Republican-led Congress said no—but this "War on Terrorism" is simply an excuse and an opportunity for some fat cats to get fatter at the expense of the rest of us, just as the Cold War was in earlier decades. It is the biggest welfare program known to man, not to mention Bush's ticket to continue occupying an office he has no business holding. We can spend $1 trillion a year on defense, and someone will still figure out how to plant a bomb somewhere. The British learned that in dealing with the Irish Republican Army, which confounded them for decades.

Why is our publicly-financed military defending the rights of privately-owned companies to make more bucks? Because people like Bush and Cheney and Rumsfeld want it to, that's why. Our last elected president, Bill Clinton, tried to rein in military spending, and the right wing in this country did everything it could to attempt to drive him from office.

So now we plan to again bomb weak, ravaged Iraq and kill thousands more. That's despite several U.S. military leaders and analysts wanting to continue the policy of containment of Hussein, rather than invade Iraq, according to a recent article in the Washington Post. Jim Cornette, a former Air Force biological warfare expert who participated in the Gulf War, told the Post, "We've bottled [Hussein] up for 11 years, so we're doing OK. I don't know the reason the administration is so focused on Iraq. I'm very puzzled by it."

A few in the administration, such as Secretary of State Colin Powell, have reservations about a military attack. At the very least, most U.S. military leaders want to wait until next year to give them time to develop a plan.

But Bush and many in his regime are pushing them to invade by October, a month before the mid-term elections, to boost Republicans' re-election campaigns in a wave of renewed patriotism, divert attention from domestic scandals, and finish what his father left uncompleted. To Bush's drug-and-alcohol-warped mind, Hussein is an insult to his father's legacy, and Bush is selfish enough to see thousands die to help change how some perceive his family, not to mention the history books. Never mind about the moral implications of one country declaring its plans to overthrow another country's leader. That worked so well with Fidel Castro and Cuba, didn't it?

Bush says Iraq possesses weapons of mass destruction it plans to use on the U.S. and we need to stop Iraq from doing so. Some who would know, like Scott Ritter, a former UN weapons inspector in Iraq, say that Iraq has no such capabilities. Bush says Iraq had ties to the al-Qaeda terrorist network that carried out the Sept. 11 acts. Even some officials with the CIA and Israel's intelligence agency have said Iraq had nothing to do with Sept. 11, although our CIA director has testified about Iraq's alleged links to al-Qaeda. Bush says Hussein could be responsible for sending anthrax spores through the mail. Others believe the likely source of anthrax terrorism is domestic.

Most allies in Europe oppose our invasion of Iraq, saying among other things, that it would make conditions in the fiery Middle East worse. They note the hypocrisy of Bush telling Israel not to bomb Palestinian camps, as he prepares to unleash a more potent bombing attack on Iraq. But Bush doesn't care about looking like a hypocrite; there is little evidence he even is aware that he looks like a hypocrite. I mean, he was trying to be a champion of corporate responsibility when he practiced the opposite in his own business dealings; he claims to be an environmentalist while raking over the environment; he tells kids not to drink, take drugs, and have sex before marriage, unlike what he actually did.

Again, the Iraqi war effort is proceeding full-speed because Republicans want to be re-elected and Bush also wants to shift attention from these corporate scandals that are tearing apart his regime. Wag the dog, that's a lot of what invading Iraq is about.

There is also the economic component. A more favorable leader in Iraq could give U.S. oil companies that are so close to Bush more leeway at moving into that lucrative Mideast trade. The war will at least divert many Americans' attention from the recession that threatens to escalate into a depression. A war in Iraq does come down to the possession of wealth, as Plato said, mainly keeping—and growing—wealth in the hands of those who now have it in this country.

I do believe we have fought just wars. My father fought in one, World War II, when we were attacked and the Nazi criminals threatened to dominate our world. If I was of age during such a war as that, I would have gladly answered the call. It's sad that I now have to say we now seem more like the ones who want world domination than the ones who would fight against the forces that want to rule the planet.

I understand why we're bombing Afghanistan—we had to bomb somebody after Sept. 11, didn't we?—but I hate to see civilians killed and the fact that Osama bin Laden was never captured or his ties to Sept. 11 proven in court. Contrast that to our response after the 1995 Oklahoma bombing, an act of terrorism that admittedly was different from Sept. 11. Did we bomb the neighborhoods where Timothy McVeigh lived, hoping to draw him out or get more of his conspirators? No, we treated it like the horrendous crime it was and sought justice through the courts.

Some call me un-American for opposing the way the Bush administration is fighting the "War on Terrorism"—with its crackdowns on Americans' basic freedoms, development of a more sophisticated domestic spying network, bombing campaigns that hit civilians, secrecy, military tribunals that suspend the Bill of Rights, ignoring the United Nations and international treaties, cynical use of tragedy for unrelated political purposes, and other abuses. They tell me to "love it or leave it." I have to respond that I almost joined the Marines out of high school and would have gone if called upon back then. I was in the "junior military"—the Boy Scouts—and earned the highest rank of Eagle Scout while doing numerous community service projects. I did unpaid civilian service for two years on a special project after college.

As an American, I have the right state my opinion that Bush-Cheney and most others in the right wing in this country (surprisingly some traditional right-wingers like U.S. Rep. Dick Armey have opposed certain aspects like the domestic spying program) are leading us down into the gutter. I believe I have an obligation to stand up and state my true beliefs while I still have the chance, before our country slides further down the slippery slope to a dictatorship. What's the use of having freedom of speech if you live in a country where everyone marches to the same drumbeat? You don't have a country, you have a dictatorship if everyone worships those in power and refrains from criticizing that regime.

I will stay here and stand up to the Bush-Cheney administration the way our forefathers did the British and patriotic Americans have done throughout our country's existence. I will battle for my children's future here. I will not run away to another country.

_____________________________________________
Jackson Thoreau is co-author of "We Will Not Get Over It: Restoring a Legitimate White House." The 110,000-word electronic book can be downloaded at geocities.com or at legitgov.org. Thoreau can be emailed at jacksonthor@justice.com.



To: Raymond Duray who wrote (3737)8/2/2002 4:23:05 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Inspection or Invasion in Iraq?

by Rep. Ron Paul (R-TX)
June 27, 2002

I call my colleagues' attention to a recent article by Scott Ritter, former chief UN weapons inspector in Iraq, published in the Los Angeles Times. In this article, Mr. Ritter makes a salient point that deserves careful and serious consideration in this body: how will it be possible to achieve the stated administration goal of getting weapons inspectors back into Iraq when the administration has made it known that it intends to assassinate the Iraqi leader?

If nothing else, Saddam Hussein has proven himself a survivor. Does anyone believe that he will allow inspectors back into his country knowing that any one of them might kill him? Is it the intention of the administration to get inspectors back into Iraq and thus answers to lingering and critical questions regarding Iraq's military capabilities, or is the intent to invade that country regardless of the near total absence of information and actually make it impossible for Suddam Hussein to accept the inspectors?

Mr. Ritter, who as former chief UN inspector in Iraq probably knows that country better than any of us here, made some excellent points in a recent meeting with Republican members of Congress. According to Mr. Ritter, no American-installed regime could survive in Iraq. Interestingly, Mr. Ritter noted that though his rule is no doubt despotic, Saddam Hussein has been harsher toward Islamic fundamentalism than any other Arab regime. He added that any U.S. invasion to remove Saddam from power would likely open the door to an anti-American fundamentalist Islamic regime in Iraq. That can hardly be viewed in a positive light here in the United States. Is a policy that replaces a bad regime with a worse regime the wisest course to follow?

Much is made of Iraqi National Congress leader Ahmed Chalabi, as a potential post-invasion leader of Iraq. Mr. Ritter told me that in his many dealings with Chalabi, he found him to be completely unreliable and untrustworthy. He added that neither he nor the approximately 100 Iraqi generals that the US is courting have any credibility inside Iraq, and any attempt to place them in power would be rejected in the strongest manner by the Iraqi people. Hundreds, if not thousands, of American military personnel would be required to occupy Iraq indefinitely if any American-installed regime is to remain in power. Again, it appears we are creating a larger problem than we are attempting to solve.

Similarly, proponents of a US invasion of Iraq often cite the Kurds in the northern part of that country as a Northern Alliance-like ally, who will do much of our fighting on the ground and unseat Saddam. But just last week the Washington Times reported that neither of the two rival Kurdish groups in northern Iraq want anything to do with an invasion of Iraq.

In the meeting last month, Scott Ritter reminded members of Congress that a nation cannot go to war based on assumptions and guesses, that a lack of knowledge is no basis on which to initiate military action. Mr. Ritter warned those present that remaining quiescent in the face of the administration's seeming determination to exceed the authority granted to go after those who attacked us, will actually hurt the president and will hurt Congress. He concluded by stating that going in to Iraq without Congressionally-granted authority would be a "failure of American democracy.'' Those pounding the war drums loudest for an invasion of Iraq should pause for a moment and ponder what Scott Ritter is saying. Thousands of lives are at stake.

[From the Los Angeles Times, June 19, 2002]
BEHIND "PLOT" ON HUSSEIN, A SECRET AGENDA
(By Scott Ritter)

President Bush has reportedly authorized the CIA to use all of the means at its disposal- including U.S. military special operations forces and CIA paramilitary teams- to eliminate Iraq's Saddam Hussein. According to reports, the CIA is to view any such plan as "preparatory" for a larger military strike.

Congressional leaders from both parties have greeted these reports with enthusiasm. In their rush to be seen as embracing the president's hard-line stance on Iraq, however, almost no one in Congress has questioned why a supposedly covert operation would be made public, thus undermining the very mission it was intended to accomplish.

It is high time that Congress start questioning the hype and rhetoric emanating from the White House regarding Baghdad, because the leaked CIA plan is well timed to undermine the efforts underway in the United Nations to get weapons inspectors back to work in Iraq. In early July, the U.N. secretary-general will meet with Iraq's foreign minister for a third round of talks on the return of the weapons monitors. A major sticking point is Iraqi concern over the use- or abuse- of such inspections by the U.S. for intelligence collection.

I recall during my time as a chief inspector in Iraq the dozens of extremely fit "missile experts'' and "logistics specialists'' who frequented my inspection teams and others. Drawn from U.S. units such as Delta Force or from CIA paramilitary teams such as the Special Activities Staff (both of which have an ongoing role in the conflict in Afghanistan), these specialists had a legitimate part to play in the difficult cat-and-mouse effort to disarm Iraq. So did the teams of British radio intercept operators I ran in Iraq from 1996 to 1998- which listened in on the conversations of Hussein's inner circle- and the various other intelligence specialists who were part of the inspection effort.

The presence of such personnel on inspection teams was, and is, viewed by the Iraqi government as an unacceptable risk to its nation's security.

As early as 1992, the Iraqis viewed the teams I led inside Iraq as a threat to the safety of their president. They were concerned that my inspections were nothing more than a front for a larger effort to eliminate their leader.

Those concerns were largely baseless while I was in Iraq. Now that Bush has specifically authorized American covert-operations forces to remove Hussein, however, the Iraqis will never trust an inspection regime that has already shown itself susceptible to infiltration and manipulation by intelligence services hostile to Iraq, regardless of any assurances the U.N. secretary-general might give.

The leaked CIA covert operations plan effectively kills any chance of inspectors returning to Iraq, and it closes the door on the last opportunity for shedding light on the true state of affairs regarding any threat in the form of Iraq weapons of mass destruction.

Absent any return of weapons inspectors, no one seems willing to challenge the Bush administration's assertions of an Iraqi threat. If Bush has a factual case against Iraq concerning weapons of mass destruction, he hasn't made it yet.

Can the Bush administration substantiate any of its claims that Iraq continues to pursue efforts to reacquire its capability to produce chemical and biological weapons, which was dismantled and destroyed by U.N. weapons inspectors from 1991 to 1998? The same question applies to nuclear weapons. What facts show that Iraq continues to pursue nuclear weapons aspirations?

Bush spoke ominously of an Iraqi ballistic missile threat to Europe. What missile threat is the president talking about? These questions are valid, and if the case for war is to be made, they must be answered with more than speculative rhetoric.

Congress has seemed unwilling to challenge the Bush administration's pursuit of war against Iraq. The one roadblock to an all- out U.S. assault would be weapons inspectors reporting on the facts inside Iraq. Yet without any meaningful discussion and debate by Congress concerning the nature of the threat posed by Baghdad, war seems all but inevitable.

The true target of the supposed CIA plan may not be Hussein but rather the weapons inspection program itself. The real casualty is the last chance to avoid bloody conflict.
_________________________________

Ron Paul, M.D., represents the 14th Congressional District of Texas in the United States House of Representatives.

antiwar.com



To: Raymond Duray who wrote (3737)8/2/2002 5:10:45 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Kerry scores an early coup

By Scot Lehigh
Editorial
The Boston Globe
8/2/2002

THE DEMOCRATIC Party's troupe of political players was in New York City this week for summer stock performances, striving to show why they deserved consideration for the nation's premier role.

There was John Edwards, the charismatic charmer, appropriating classic Clintonian rhetoric about helping those who obey the rules, Joe Lieberman, the understated understudy, impatient for the leading part, and that House favorite, the protean Dick Gephardt, hungrily eyeing a role he first auditioned for a political eon ago. Hillary Clinton, officially uninterested, was energetic enough in her keynote address to raise eyebrows and interest, while a collegial Tom Daschle highlighted the work of the Democratic Senate he leads.

True to enigmatic form, Al Gore broke bread nearby but didn't deign to address the Democratic Leadership Council's gathering.

But in a week when interested Democrats were carefully tracking the coverage - and when the participants themselves were hopeful of a catchy quote or favorable notice in stories that lumped them together like peas in a political pod - it was John Kerry who ended up on the front page of The New York Times.

Kerry did it the unconventional way. While the other potential candidates have been taking aim at President Bush's domestic agenda, the Massachusetts senator is going straight after Bush's conduct of foreign policy. That attention-getting strategy presents both risks and rewards.

First the dangers. At a time when Bush's foreign-policy performance still enjoys widespread support, Kerry could appear to be using international affairs for political gain. Was the assault on Tora Bora really the failure he claims? If it turns out that Osama bin Laden perished there after all, as some intelligence sources suggest, that charge could boomerang. Meanwhile, in an era when this nation's interests aren't always consonant with those of our underpowered European allies, there's a risk in putting excessive emphasis on multilateralism, which easily rounds the corner into foreign policy paralysis.

And yet there is also the prospect of payoff in Kerry's criticism. Right now the incipient Democratic campaign is mostly about finding solid footing as the field forms.

Gore, now widely expected to run again, would clearly start as the front-runner. One recent poll found that 46 percent of Democrats say he remains their choice for 2004, though that's probably more a reflection of name recognition than strong support. (Even some of the former vice president's confidants from 2000 get Al Gore-ophobic at the thought of a third bid for the presidency.)

Still, if Gore does run, his candidacy will quickly limit the field and establish this dynamic: Which of the other candidates can emerge as the most credible rival for the nomination?

The complex and troubled international circumstances have already put a premium on foreign policy expertise. A candidacy by the internationally experienced Gore would raise the bar still further - even while precluding a run by Lieberman, who is emerging as the Scoop Jackson Democrat of the field.

A campaign that has foreign policy as a principal concern plays to the disadvantage both of newcomers like Edwards and of old domestic policy warhorses like Gephardt.

In contrast, Kerry, a decorated Vietnam War veteran and a longtime member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, can speak knowledgeably to those issues. By criticizing Bush's international record openly at a time when most of the other Democrats seem to be reading from the same cautious domestic policy playbook, Kerry has clearly brought those qualities to the attention of an interested Democratic audience.

''I think John Kerry has some unique assets in this early season, and they are being recognized,'' says Alan Solomont, former finance chairman for the Democratic National Committee. ''He is catching on out there.'' (The only other candidate who has done remotely as well in recent weeks is Vermont's Governor Howard Dean, who has started to establish himself as a straight-shooter.)

Now, to be sure, this week's gathering was just one early skirmish among would-be candidates. But give credit where it's due. Billed as a ''conversation,'' the DLC confab was really a contest to make oneself distinct. Judged by the coverage, John Kerry won that contest hands down.

© Copyright 2002 Globe Newspaper Company.

boston.com