To: Zeev Hed who wrote (16971 ) 8/6/2002 6:24:28 PM From: Douglas V. Fant Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 36161 Oil is the key to peace in Sudan So Bush is helping to end one of Africa's most brutal civil wars Jonathan Steele The Guardian (UK) Tuesday August 6, 2002 In Africa's largest country, racked by one of the continent's longest civil wars, America is doing the right thing for once. With minimal fanfare, US officials have been working for a peace settlement in Sudan. Their efforts may soon be crowned with unexpected success. A preliminary accord between the government and rebel southerners was signed last month and cautious hopes are growing that full agreement will be reached at talks that resume in Kenya next week. Oil is the main factor that has prompted a Republican administration to take a deeper interest in Sudan than Bill Clinton did. The country is rich in reserves - and, with the Middle East looking increasingly unstable and potentially anti-western, the big oil companies see Africa as offering better assurance of future supply. Angola has been on tap for years, but if they can get peace in Sudan and (their next goal) a more sensible White House policy towards Libya, Africa will have become a major source of carbon-based energy. Under Clinton the US was unmistakably partisan in Sudan's 19-year civil war, which has left at least 2 million dead. It channeled funds and military supplies through Uganda to John Garang, the head of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement, and Madeleine Albright as secretary of state held a well-publicised meeting with him. The shift to peace-brokering under Bush is remarkable. Sudan's government is still portrayed as Islamic fundamentalist and remains on the State Department list as a sponsor of terrorism. Rightwing Christians continue to make great play with charges that the largely Arab government in Khartoum encourages raiders who abduct and enslave black southerners. Alongside the magnet of the oil, US specialists believe new realities make peace more desirable and possible than it was two years ago. After Angola, where a peace agreement is in place at last, and the Democratic Republic of Congo, which signed a deal with Rwanda last week, Sudan has Africa's third-worst war. Success there could have a ripple effect across east Africa and the Horn. Regional actors have also become more eager to stop the war. Uganda is less wedded to supporting the SPLM. Egypt and Saudi Arabia are quietly pressing Khartoum to go along with Washington and improve its peace offers. The pressure is working. The government accepted a US initiative to send a mission under a former senator, John Danforth, last autumn to arrange a ceasefire and peace deal in the Nuba mountains, just one part of the vast battlefield. The ceasefire he organised, unlike previous ones, is being monitored by international observers. The major advance that Danforth produced was a government promise to share oil revenues once peace is restored, and immediately to start ending discrimination against non-Muslim southerners living in the north. The old cliche that Sudan's north-south civil war is a struggle between Islam and Christianity or Arab and African was always simplistic. In the south there have been fierce tribal rivalries between Nuer and Dinka, and earlier government peace plans offered the south religious freedom and no imposition of sharia law. What is new on Khartoum's side is the focus on civil rights and good governance in the north and its willingness to share power and oil money with southerners. The current government offer of six-and-a-half years until a referendum on secession is actually longer than the four years it proposed in 1997, which Garang rejected. But time is less important than having power-sharing and reforms start immediately under the supervision of outside monitors. These are major concessions, which the government hopes will convince southerners not to vote for secession. The SPLM faces its moment of truth. Garang, who held his first meeting with the Sudanese president last month, has never been a secessionist by conviction and he is being tempted by seats in the central government and the south. "There is no reason why Garang cannot play a role both on the national and regional level," Sudan's vice-president, Ali Osman Mohamed Taha, told me in London recently. International pressure on Garang not to be a perpetual spoiler is also intense. Next month's talks have no certainty of success. Finding formulas to share the oil wealth will be complex. But the hardest issues of principle - self-determination and the separation of state and religion - have been agreed. Both sides belatedly accept that, without peace, the country's huge oil fields will remain untapped or burn up in the flames of war. Strapped for cash to finance the fighting, the government made a poor deal with the oil companies when it signed the first contracts for exploration and development. The companies argued they were taking huge risks. With peace, Sudan should get more equitable terms. At that point, America's oil links may place it on the opposite side.