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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?

To: BigBull who wrote (37809)	8/14/2002 12:52:34 PM
From: Nadine Carroll	Respond to of 281500

Nadine, do you know of any individuals or organizations that are tracking these $25,000 bounties that Saddam is providing to the families of suicided bombers? The reason that I ask is that I want to know which Palestinian militia set their sons or daughters up with the bomb belts. These two questions seem unrelated to me, bb. Its not as if which militia was doing which bombing is a mystery that needs solving. The militias have been openly claiming credit and publishing the farewell videos of the bomber (though this may change now that Israel is blowing up the houses of the bombers' families) The only confusion arises when two organizations claim credit for the same bombing (sometimes there is more than one 'ticking bomb' in the field at once and confusion arises; sometimes somebody is just trying to get free credit). I know I've seen breakdowns of who did what; but I can't find one now. As I recall, Hamas is in the suicide-bombing lead with about 40%, closely followed by Al Aqsa brigades. Islamic Jihad and PFLP run a distant third and fourth. The total of "successful" suicide bombings or suicide mass shootings is around 150 now, I think. Non-successful, i.e. intercepted attempts, run about four times that number. Saddam seems to be paying individuals in his (quite effective) effort to buy popularity. He's certainly not giving the money to Arafat. Here's an article from the Jerusalem Times about Saddam's payments to Palestinians. imra.org.il I posted another article from the Jerusalem Post about how Saddam is now paying the wages of East Jerusalem civil servants. Message 17868211 Hope this helps.

To: BigBull who wrote (37809)	8/14/2002 1:21:10 PM
From: Nadine Carroll	Respond to of 281500

Ze'ev Schiff of Ha'aretz analyses the current PA/Hamas situation: The truth and the truce By Ze'ev Schiff At this point in time, the primary concern of most Palestinian representatives in their discussions with Israel and the Americans is the question of how to bring Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat back to center stage - how to restore his international legitimacy as a leader that was taken from him by U.S. President George W. Bush. This concern is often accompanied by ludicrous tricks. For example, during a security meeting with Israeli representatives, the telephone of one of the Palestinian representatives rings and Arafat asks to speak to him, to hear an immediate report on the discussions. On another occasion, Arafat will postpone a meeting, supposedly in order study the progress of the matter, but in fact only to prove that he remains the one in charge. In Washington, the Palestinian representatives are telling the Americans that they do not understand why Bush is boycotting Arafat while the Israelis are holding discussions with him; and the Americans are wondering whether Israel is restoring Arafat's legitimacy. Care must be taken not to get dragged into the tricks that are aimed at restoring Arafat's legitimacy. In recent months, he has undertaken to implement two cease-fires and has failed to uphold his commitment - the first, in December 2001, in his promise to General Anthony Zinni, and then again in his June speech of this year. The number of Israelis who have been killed, most of them civilians, since the promises of a cease-fire were given has reached a peak. However, the Palestinian trickery must not blind us to the fact that the Palestinian side is currently involved in a debate on a unilateral cease-fire and the question of how to continue the armed struggle against Israel. They are also considering the question of whether the time has come to change the modus operandi - particularly the terror attacks on civilians and within Israel proper - that is damaging the Palestinian cause. The debate has penetrated the ranks of the Fatah and even Hamas. It could be seen as a sign of weakness and failure that have led to a stocktaking. Most of the field activists, the ones who carry out the terror attacks, are opposed to a cease-fire and are demanding the continuation of suicide attacks. This is true of Fatah's Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades and the Iz a Din al-Kassam Brigades of Hamas. However, as a rule, cracks have emerged in Palestinian support for the attacks as a result in recognition of the damage and suffering that are caused by them. Supporters of a cease-fire can be found among senior members of the PA, in the veteran and middle generations of Fatah. They have also sought the blessing of Marwan Barghouti, who is currently being held in an Israeli prison. His rival, Hussein Al-Sheikh, is among the leading proponents of a cease-fire. The change is that Hamas leader Sheikh Ahmed Yassin is saying (though not in public statements) that it is in the current Palestinian interest to cease the suicide attacks in the framework of setting conditions for Israel - for example, an immediate withdrawal to the lines on the eve of the hostilities, the release of all Palestinian prisoners and an end to Israel Defense Forces actions, especially "targeted liquidations." However, the external leadership of Hamas is vehemently opposed to a cease-fire. In the Fatah, supporters of a cease-fire are arguing over the formulation of the announcement that will speak of an end to attacks on "innocent men, women and children who are not fighters." This refers to civilians within the Green Line (pre-June 1967 borders); while in the territories, it will be possible to continue to blow up buses because they see the Jewish settlers in the territories as soldiers eligible to be killed. This is the beginning of an internal Palestinian debate and the deeper it goes, the better. Israel must not interfere with its development. Moreover, in discussions with the Palestinians, the achievements must be detailed, not only humanitarian improvements and the creation of jobs that the Palestinians will get if indeed they implement a unilateral cease-fire, even one that is territorially limited. They must be officially informed that the obligation of proof in the matter of implementing the cease-fire is incumbent on them. Intelligence assessments say that unless the Fatah is willing to enter into conflict with Hamas, nothing will move. In the Gaza Strip, Hamas has accumulated power and the greater part of it is opposed to a cease-fire. It is doubtful that the supporters of a cease-fire in the Fatah are prepared for such a conflict, even though it is clear to them that the weakness they are displaying at present will postpone the conflict to the future, when Hamas will try to turn the Palestinian entity into an Islamic state. haaretzdaily.com