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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: J_F_Shepard who wrote (294373)9/8/2002 4:11:49 PM
From: greenspirit  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769667
 
BOSTON, MA (April 29, 1993) - phrusa.org

For the first time ever, scientists have been able to prove the use of chemical weapons through the analysis of environmental residues taken years after such an attack occurred. In a development that could have far-reaching consequences for the enforcement of the chemical weapons treaty, soil samples taken from bomb craters near a Kurdish village in northern Iraq by a team of forensic scientists have been found to contain trace evidence of nerve gas.

The samples were collected on June 10, 1992 by a forensic team assembled by the Boston-based Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) and the New York-based Middle East Watch (MEW), a division of Human Rights Watch (HRW). The samples were forwarded to the Chemical & Biological Defence Establishment (CBDE) of Great Britain's Ministry of Defence at Porton Down which analyzed them.

Eyewitnesses have said that Iraqi warplanes dropped three clusters each of four bombs on the village of Birjinni on August 25, 1988. Observers recall seeing a plume of black, then yellowish smoke, followed by a not-unpleasant odor similar to fertilizer, and also a smell like rotten garlic. Shortly afterwards, villagers began to have trouble breathing, their eyes watered, their skin blistered, and many vomited--some of whom died. All of these symptoms are consistent with a poison gas attack.

"These scientific results prove beyond a shadow of a doubt that the Iraqi government has consistently lied to the world on denying that these attacks occurred," said PHR and HRW. "They also send a clear signal that chemical weapons attacks cannot be launched in the belief that the natural elements will quickly cover up the evidence."

According to scientists at Porton Down, the discovery marks "the first time that we have found evidence in soil samples of traces of the degradation products of nerve agent." In addition to degradation products of nerve agents, the samples also yielded significant amounts of the degradation products of mustard gas.

Alastair Hay, a consultant to PHR and Senior Lecturer in Chemical Pathology at the University of Leeds, said, "This discovery not only confirms eyewitness accounts and medical examinations of Kurdish people that nerve gas as well as mustard gas were used against them, but it also has enormous implications for the effectiveness of the chemical weapons treaty." While inspection teams from the United Nations Special Commission have found both mustard and nerve agents stored in Iraq, as well as munitions containing them, the samples from Birjinni show they were actually used, Hay said.

In addition to confirming reports of a gas attack on Birjinni, the findings "indicate that samples collected from appropriate locations can provide evidence of the presence of chemical warfare agents over four years after the attack," according to Dr. Graham Pearson, Director General and Chief Executive of the Chemical and Biological Defence Establishment. "This should contribute to the deterrent effect against nations contemplating the use of chemical weapons." So far, the Chemical Weapons Convention has been signed by 145 countries and is now awaiting ratification before entering into force.

In August 1988, shortly after the ceasefire that ended the Iran-Iraq war, the government of Saddam Hussein launched a major military offensive against the Kurds in northern Iraq, sending tens of thousand of refugees who either witnessed or showed physical symptoms of chemical weapons attacks. The PHR team concluded that bombs containing mustard gas and at least one unidentified nerve agent had been dropped on Kurdish villages in northern Iraq.

According to MEW, the Birjinni attack was one of dozens of chemical weapons attacks launched against the Kurds in 1988. "These chemical weapons attacks were part of a genocidal campaign carried out against Kurdish civilians," said Kenneth Anderson, director of the Arms Project of Human Rights Watch and a member of the PHR/MEW forensic team that visited Iraqi Kurdistan in June 1992.

At least four people were killed during the attack on Birjinni, two in an orchard and two brothers in a cave where they sought refuge. The remaining villagers fled. Refugees reported that Iraqi soldiers visited the village days later and buried the two victims found in the orchard an, elderly man and a young boy.

On June 10, 1992, a forensic team from PHR/MEW visited Birjinni, a small village of about 30 houses, a mosque, and a school. The team consisted of Dr. Clyde Snow, a well-known consultant in forensic anthropology to medical examiners' offices in the United States and professor of anthropology at the University of Oklahoma; James Briscoe, an archaeologist with Roberts/Schornik & Associates, Inc., Norman, Oklahoma; Mercedes Doretti and Luis Fondebrider, both members of the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team; Kenneth Anderson, a consultant to PHR and MEW; Isabel M. Reveco of the Chilean Forensic Anthropology Team; and Stefan Schmitt of the Guatemalan Forensic Anthropology Team.

The forensic team exhumed the bodies of the man and boy reportedly killed during the attack and buried by the Iraqi soldiers. Anthropological evidence showed the man to be about 60 years of age and the boy to be about five years of age. neither skeleton showed signs of physical trauma. The forensic team took samples of clothing and soil and insect larva from the graves. They also took soil samples and pieces of metal from inside four bomb craters located about 700 meters apart. Three samples were taken from each crater: one each from the center and the southern and northern edges. The samples were secured in plastic bags, described, and labelled. The team also observed bomb fragments in and around the craters.

At Porton Down, analysis by gas chromatography and mass spectrometry found that six soil samples taken from the first two craters contained mustard agent and/or thiodiglycol, a compound produced by the hydrolysis (breakdown by water) of mustard, 1,4- thioxane and 1,4-dithiane, were also detected in these samples. The chemists at Porton Down also found the presence of the compound tetryl, an explosive that, according to Dr. Hay, is widely used in chemical munitions.

The second six samples, including pieces of metal, contained "unequivocal" residues of methylphosphonic acid (MPA) and isipropyl methylphosphonic acid (iPMPA), according to analytical chemists at Porton Down. MPA is a product of the hydrolysis of any of several chemical weapons nerve agents. iPMPA is a product of the hydrolysis of the nerve agent GB.

No traces of mustard or nerve agents or their breakdown products were found in the samples taken from the gravesites, although only about three grams of clothing were examined. Further analyses of these are planned.

According to the analysis team at Porton Down, "this is the first example, to our knowledge, that a suspected use of nerve agent has been corroborated by the analysis of environmental residues. The analyses also demonstrated that traces of chemical weapons agents or their degradation products can still be detected in the environment over four years later provided that the samples are taken from a point of high initial contamination."

Chain of Custody of Birjinni Samples

On June 10, 1992, the PHR/MEW forensic team archeologist Mr. James Briscoe gathered the samples from the craters in Birjinni. While still in Birjinni, Mr. Briscoe placed them in plastic bags marked with Chicago Police Forensic labels and labelled them. Later that day, Mr. Briscoe gave the samples to Dr. Clyde Collins Snow, the team's forensic anthropologist. The samples remained in Dr. Snow's custody until he gave them to another team member, Mr. Kenneth Anderson, on June 20, 1992. At no time were the samples unpacked.

On June 20, 1992, Mr. Anderson packed the samples in his luggage and they travelled with him from Dohuk, Iraq to Istanbul, Turkey. At no time were the samples unpacked.

On June 22, 1992, Mr. Anderson flew with the samples in his luggage to New York, NY, arriving on the same day. In New York, Mr. Anderson took the samples from his luggage, and kept them at the offices of Human Rights Watch in New York in a sealed box.

On June 26, 1992, Mr. Anderson sent the samples by Federal Express to Dr. Snow in Norman, Oklahoma. Mr. Anderson did not unpack the samples from their plastic containers at any time.

On July 13, 1992, Dr. Snow sent the samples by Federal Express to Ms. Susannah Sirkin at Physicians for Human Rights in Boston, Massachusetts. No unpacking of the samples took place.

On July 16, 1992, Ms. Sirkin sent the samples by Federal Express to Dr. Alastair Hay at the University of Leeds in Great Britain. The samples remained in his custody at the Department of Chemical Pathology, University of Leeds. No unpacking of the samples took place. In the meantime, Dr. Hay contacted the Chemical & Biological Defence Establishment (CBDE) at the Ministry of Defence in Porton Down.

On October 2, 1992, when the CBDE gave the final clearance for the samples to be analyzed, Dr. Hay sent the samples by Securicor Omega Express to the CBDE in Porton Down.

On October 5, 1992, Securicor Omega Express delivered the package containing the samples to CBDE. CBDE superintendent Mary C. French placed the package in a locked refrigerator, where they remained in the queue of samples to be analyzed.

On February 2, 1993, Dr. Robin Black at the CBDE opened the samples for analysis.



To: J_F_Shepard who wrote (294373)9/8/2002 4:25:54 PM
From: greenspirit  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769667
 
Which dictator do you believe was more ruthless and evil toward a specific group of people. Saddam or Milosovic?



To: J_F_Shepard who wrote (294373)9/8/2002 4:28:26 PM
From: greenspirit  Respond to of 769667
 
Kurd on the Street, A visit with an Iraqi ally against terror.
hughhewitt.com

BY CLAUDIA ROSETT
Wednesday, September 4, 2002 12:01 a.m. EDT

"Quagmire" was the dread word foreign-policy temporizers invoked last fall when America took the war against terror to Afghanistan's Taliban (remember them?). Now, as President Bush takes aim at Iraq's Saddam Hussein, the debate-and-delay ditherers declare themselves dismayed at the danger that deposing a dictator might be "destabilizing."

Well, one of the would-be "destabilizers" dropped by our office last week to share his thoughts on what might come of rocking Baghdad's boat. This gent is Iraqi, resident in Iraq, heading back there this month. His message is that if American troops come to evict Saddam, they will be hailed by Iraqis as "liberators" and "heroes."

Meet Barham Salih, prime minister of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, or PUK, one of the two main Kurdish factions that preside over the mountainous slice of northern Iraq that's been designated a "no-fly zone" since mid-1991, shortly after the Gulf War--and is still protected by American and British air patrols. Tall, mustachioed and fluent in English, the 41-year-old Mr. Barham came to tell us that at core the issue here is freedom, and a strike to remove Saddam would be "a war for Iraq, not against Iraq." He added that "In Iraq, we have a real opportunity to change the dynamics of Middle Eastern politics"--in the direction of a freer, safer Middle East.

Mr. Barham speaks as one well acquainted with the hazards of his region, and not only because this past April, at his home in northern Iraq, he survived an assassination attempt that killed five of his bodyguards. Mr. Barham's PUK, headed by Jalal Talabani, is affiliated with the umbrella organization of Ahmad Chalabi's Iraqi National Congress, the INC, which has as its explicit aim replacing Saddam's regime with a democracy. The PUK backed an attempted INC coup against Saddam in 1995, which the Clinton administration refused, at the last minute, to support--leaving the coup plotters open to reprisals. And the PUK was among the five Iraqi resistance groups whose leaders, along with the INC, visited the White House at the Bush administration's invitation last month. In a war against Saddam, the Kurds, who actually control turf and field fighting forces inside Iraq's borders, have plenty of help to offer.



In weighing the risks, the Kurds also know firsthand what Saddam is willing to do with his weapons of mass destruction. More than 5,000 Iraqi Kurds died horribly in 1988, when Saddam's forces attacked them with poison gas, most notoriously in the northern town of Halabja. Many of the survivors still suffer from the injuries inflicted during those attacks. Jeffrey Goldberg extensively documented that atrocity in The New Yorker in March. His article concluded with a chilling quote from Christine Gosden, a medical geneticist familiar with Saddam's deeds: "Please understand, the Kurds were for practice."
Should any attempt to depose Saddam go wrong, the Kurds have much to lose on many fronts. Iraq's two rival Kurdish factions, the PUK and Massoud Barzani's Kurdistan Democratic Party, split between them the control of northern Iraq--dividing almost evenly the regional population of some four million Kurds. They have had their own quarrels, including a 1994-96 civil war. But over the past decade, and especially since the internecine fighting stopped, both groups have been developing reasonably functional civic societies, freer than much of the Middle East and quantum levels better than Saddam's totalitarian rule elsewhere in Iraq.

The Kurds get some 13% of the proceeds under the United Nations oil-for-food program. It's not the most efficient development strategy, involving as it does the usual U.N. bureaucracy, compounded by the difficulties of dealing with Baghdad. But after years of hideous adversity, the Kurds, most of whom are Muslim, have seized on any help that will improve their lives.

They do not have democracy, but they are freer than perhaps anyplace in the Muslim Middle East outside Turkey. There is free speech. A resident of the Kurdish north tells me that mobile phones have been introduced, computers are a hot-selling item, and Internet use is booming, both in private homes and at Internet cafes. The Kurds are building roads and opening schools. And although the Kurds' enclave is isolated by tightly controlled border routes with Turkey and Iran and specially arranged motorboat crossing of the Tigris River to Syria, they are opening to the world.

The new prosperity may account for the reluctance so far of the PUK's rival in northern Iraq, the KDP, to take a stand as direct as Mr. Barham's in favor of toppling Saddam. Among both Kurdish factions there is anxiety that a war could jeopardize the gains of recent years. But much of the worry among the Kurds stems from fear not that the U.S. might go through with evicting Saddam, but that it might not. In 1991, having routed Saddam's forces from Kuwait, the first President Bush urged Iraqis to rise up against Saddam. The Kurds responded, only to find themselves abandoned by America. Many were slaughtered by Saddam's forces or died fleeing them. World attention then led to the establishment of the safe haven that has since allowed them to thrive. But Saddam's forces are very near--his tanks are positioned within eyesight of some Kurdish villages. And recent reports of al Qaeda operatives filtering into the region do not bode well. "We live in a bubble," says Mr. Barham. "It's precarious."



For America's quagmire experts and "allies" like the Russians and the French--both busy right now cutting lucrative business deals with Baghdad--all this might count as reason to go right on appeasing Saddam. As Mr. Barham more usefully explains it, real stability and safety for the Kurds can only begin once Saddam is gone.
The Kurdish experience, says Mr. Barham, "shows that Iraq need not be ruled by a totalitarian dictatorship." He adds that "if we can do it, then the rest of Iraq can do it." He notes that the Kurds have done it despite their "tough neighborhood." He suggests comparing the Kurdish success with "the corruption and the tyranny of Arafat" over the Palestinians. It's an intriguing comparison. The Kurds have long had their own frustrated aspirations of statehood. When the British drew the map outlining today's Iraq, they carved up the Kurdish population among four neighboring countries. Today, there are some 12 million Kurds in Turkey, six million in Iran, one million in Syria and another million living overseas, as well as the four million in Iraq.

For the Kurds, unlike the Palestinians, no one is promising statehood. Turkey, especially, fiercely opposes any move that direction, afraid that an independent Kurdish state would link up with Turkey's own Kurdish separatists. And unlike the Palestinians, who face the relative restraint of democratic Israel, the Iraqi Kurds face Saddam, who offers no mercy. An American scholar of the region, Michael Rubin, wrote an article last December for the Jerusalem Report in which he quoted a Kurdish professor in northern Iraq, who commented on Palestinian support for Saddam: "If the Palestinians love Saddam so much, why don't they try living under him; we'd be glad to move to Israel."

Mr. Barham says the PUK's goal is not Kurdish independence, but a federation government for a free Iraq. His boss, Mr. Talabani, was at pains to stress this at a press conference in Ankara on Monday, saying the PUK strategy is "for having a united Iraq, but a democratic one." As for the rival KDP, a former U.N. official who during the past decade has served in the region has no doubt they would join the PUK in a U.S.-backed uprising. Whatever their local quarrels, says this former official, "they will both fight against Saddam Hussein."

For the Kurds, Mr. Barham explains, everything turns on whether the U.S. is--at long last--serious about ousting Saddam. What the Iraqi resistance heard at the White House last month, about the administration's resolve, he describes as "music to our ears." He adds that Kurdish fighters would need U.S. air support. And that "morally it's the right thing to do, and politically, it will change the Middle East."