SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Dayuhan who wrote (42992)9/10/2002 2:52:50 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 281500
 
Have we been ignoring Iran? Ladeen thinks so, and so do I.

September 9, 2002 9:00 a.m.
Iran & Afghanistan & Us
We'll have to deal with the mullahcracy, sooner or later.

Last Friday Iran successfully tested a new ballistic missile, apparently of North Korean vintage. It was the first in a series of tests that will be carried out in coming days, involving five different missiles. Those in our diplomatic establishment who take seriously impending threats to our national security should pay close attention to these tests, as they should to the long-secret nuclear projects under way in Isfahan and elsewhere in the country. The regime's leaders have told their doomsday scientists and technicians that they desperately want to demonstrate a nuclear capacity by the end of the year.

To raise the ante even higher, last week our whole vision for Afghanistan was threatened by forces sponsored, organized, and armed by Iran. President Karzai was nearly killed, even though he had a retinue of American special-forces bodyguards.

And remember, please, that Supreme Leader Khamenei stated publicly that Iran would deliver a forceful response to President Bush's condemnation of the Iranian mullahcracy, and the response would be delivered "in the heartland of America."

Which is perhaps a long way of saying that much of the current debate is quite beside the point, because we are at war whether we like it or not, and sooner or later, in one way or another, we will have to deal with Iran. It is only proper, since Iran is the mother of all modern terrorism, the great engine of terror in the region, and the sworn enemy of the United States.

The two key figures are the infamous Gulbuddin Hekmatiar, the Iranian instrument who was prime minister of Afghanistan under the Taliban and now has offices in both Tehran and Mashad (the capital of Khorassan province), and Hassan Rassouli, a former commander in the Iranian army and currently the governor of Khorassan. Both travel between Afghanistan and Iran in great secrecy, handling money and weapons. Most of these transfers are carried out under cover of normal business, and their purpose was just seen in the series of bombings in Kabul and Kandahar.

At the same time that money and weapons flow from Iran to Afghanistan, al Qaeda terrorists move the other way, through Zabol, the main Shiite center in Baluchistan. Alarmed that the terrorists' movements may have been detected by the United States, the mullahs launched their usual disinformation campaign by having the Iranian interior minister complain to his Afghan counterpart about the migration, trying thereby to imply that Iran was afflicted by the movement of terrorists rather than being its commander. As reported earlier, the al Qaeda killers are headed for the training camps in the valleys of Lebanon, the Syrian dependency that has long served as the operational and training center for most of the region's terrorist groups.

Iran has been unlucky so far, barely missing Afghan President Karzai on one occasion, and U.S. Special Envoy Zalmay Khalilzad on another. But luck eventually turns, and we cannot rely on good fortune to accomplish what poor security and limited vision cannot.

As in the past, our intelligence concerning Iran has been quite modest, and, as in past administrations, some of our top officials seem oddly determined not to know what is going on there, or to admit the significance of the often alarming information they do have, such as that concerning the country's nuclear program, Iran's primary role in the terrorist attacks against Israel, or, for that matter, the overwhelming evidence of Iranian complicity with al Qaeda.

It's luminously clear to anyone with eyes that Iran will go for our throats at every opportunity. And so they must: The mullahs would be gravely threatened by a free and successful society in Afghanistan and/or Iraq. Tehran has made contingency plans to attack us if we were to invade Iraq (as have the Syrians, by the way, and all have been promised assistance from the Saudis). They mean to teach us a lesson. In Rafsanjani's recent words to the female religious police, "the great powers [that's us] and the regional powers [i.e. Israel and perhaps Turkey] in conducting their policies must take into consideration the goals of the Islamic Republic."

Tough talk indeed, and their words are not based on fantasy, as so many of our leaders seem to believe. Iran has driven us and the Israelis out of Lebanon with our tails between our legs, and they see no reason why the pattern should not hold for Afghanistan and, if necessary, Iraq as well.

Like the Soviet empire and other failed tyrannies, Iran has a great capacity for evil outside their borders. Their Achilles' heel is at home, where their sway over the Iranian people grows weaker by the day. Although the regime is intensifying its repression against its critics, demonstrations continue apace throughout the major cities, and the open wound in the clerical body is getting ugly. In recent days, the celebrated Ayatollah Montazeri ? the author of the famous fatwa a couple of months ago that condemned suicide bombing as an anti-Islamic action ? wrote a letter to the newspaper Hambastegi in Tehran, saying that no one is obliged to support a religious government, since belief or disbelief in religious rule is not a crucial issue, either for good government or for good religion. This is yet another devastating attack against the religious legitimacy of the regime. Meanwhile, the oil pipeline in Tabriz has been shut down because workers haven't been paid for half a year, and the country is gearing up for national demonstration on September 11.

Late last week a journalist called me to ask why I thought the government wasn't more actively engaged in Iranian policy, and I replied by pointing out that it's a broader problem; no newspaper is following the Iran story, nor is any of our leading columnists of whatever political conviction. It's a general denial. Let's hope it doesn't prove fatal to our guys and to our friends.

Faster, please. What the hell are you waiting for?
nationalreview.com



To: Dayuhan who wrote (42992)9/10/2002 5:16:46 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
The Long Haul

By PAUL KRUGMAN
Columnist
The New York Times
September 10, 2002

nytimes.com

Americans should be proud of their reaction to Sept. 11. They didn't respond to calls for sacrifice, because no such calls were made. But they did respond to horror with calm and tolerance. There was no panic; while there were a handful of hate crimes, there were no angry mobs attacking people who look different. The American people remained true to what America is all about.

Yet a year later there is great uneasiness in this nation. Corporate scandals, dropping stocks and rising unemployment account for much of the malaise. But part of what makes us uneasy is that we still don't know how to think about what happened to us. Our leaders and much of the media tell us that we're a nation at war. But that was a bad metaphor from the start, and looks worse as time goes by.

In both human and economic terms the effects of Sept. 11 itself resembled those not of a military attack but of a natural disaster. Indeed, there were almost eerie parallels between Sept. 11 and the effects of the earthquake that struck Japan in 1995. Like the terrorist attack, the Kobe earthquake killed thousands of innocent people without warning. Like the terrorist attack, the quake left a nation afflicted by nightmares and deep feelings of insecurity. And like the terrorist attack, the quake struck a nation already struggling with the aftermath of a financial bubble.

Yet the Kobe earthquake had only fleeting effects on the Japanese economy, suggesting that the effects of Sept. 11 on the U.S. economy would be equally fleeting. And so it has proved. Kobe had longer-term effects on Japan's psyche, just as Sept. 11 has had on ours. But Japan has mostly moved on, and so will we.

Of course there is a difference between an act of God and a deliberate atrocity. We were angry as well as shocked, determined to pursue and punish the perpetrators. It was natural to think of Sept. 11 as the moral equivalent of Pearl Harbor, and of the struggle that began that day as this generation's equivalent of World War II.

But if this is war, it bears little resemblance to the wars America has won in the past. Where is the call for sacrifice, for a great national effort? How will we know when or if we've won? One doesn't have to be a military expert to realize that the struggle ahead won't involve any D-Days, nor will there ever be a V-J day. There will never be a day when we can declare terrorism stamped out for good. It will be more like fighting crime, where success is always relative and victory is never final, than like fighting a war.

And the metaphor we use to describe our struggle matters: some things that are justifiable in a temporary time of war are not justifiable during a permanent fight against crime, even if the criminals are murderous fanatics.

This is true even of how we deal with pedestrian matters like the federal budget. Wars are traditionally a valid reason to run budget deficits, because it makes sense for the government to borrow to cover the expense of a severe but temporary emergency. But this emergency is neither severe nor temporary. Is there any reason to expect spending on homeland security and national defense to fall back to pre-Sept.-11 levels, let alone far enough to restore budget balance, anytime in the foreseeable future? No, there isn't. So we had better figure out how to pay the government's bills on a permanent basis.

Far more important, of course, is the question of law and civil liberties. Great democratic leaders have broken the rules in times of war: had Abraham Lincoln not suspended the writ of habeas corpus in 1861, there would be no United States today. But the situation was extreme, and the lapse was temporary: victory in the Civil War brought a return to normal legal procedure. Can anyone think of an event that would persuade our current leaders that they no longer need extraordinary powers?

The point is that our new, threatened condition isn't temporary. We're in this for the long haul, so any measures we take to fight terrorism had better be measures that we are prepared to live with indefinitely.

The real challenge now is not to stamp out terrorism; that's an unattainable goal. The challenge is to find a way to cope with the threat of terrorism without losing the freedom and prosperity that make America the great nation it is.
_______________________________________

Paul Krugman joined The New York Times in 1999 as a columnist on the Op-Ed Page and continues as Professor of Economics and International Affairs at Princeton University.

Krugman received his B.A. from Yale University in 1974 and his Ph.D. from MIT in 1977. He has taught at Yale, MIT and Stanford. At MIT he became the Ford International Professor of Economics.



To: Dayuhan who wrote (42992)9/11/2002 2:55:53 AM
From: D. Long  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
Nyet.

Drain the Swamp. You have to be out killing the enemy, and eliminating the source of his support.

Kill al Qaida, and their fellow travellers, and make reversing Arab backwardness a top priority. Overthrow the worst of them, and play the stick and carrot with the rest.

Derek