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To: Mephisto who wrote (4562)9/13/2002 2:09:44 PM
From: TigerPaw  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 15516
 
The end of campaign finance reform.
chron.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (4562)9/13/2002 6:01:55 PM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 15516
 
US military builds up huge attack force

Warmer words at UN mask activity

Julian Borger in Washington and Richard Norton-Taylor
Friday September 13, 2002
The Guardian

As George Bush was displaying his grasp of diplomatic
vocabulary in front of the UN yesterday, 7,000 miles away in the
Gulf his fellow Americans were speaking a different language.

Their words were military terms:
frigates, bombers, air defence
fighters, refuelling tankers, carrier battle groups, reconnaissance
planes, special forces. All these things are on their way to the
region or already in position in readiness for a possible attack on
Iraq.

In the most blunt indication yet that the US administration's
threat is not an idle one and it will force Iraq if necessary to
meet its UN pledges, the US central command will move its
headquarters to Qatar in November, perhaps indefinitely. The
relocation is the culmination of a series of low-key moves on the
Gulf chessboard designed to put all the pieces in place for a
rapid US assault should the UN route now being pursued by
Washington fail.


The establishment of command posts and the pre-positioning of
heavy equipment in the region over the past year have put
central command (Centcom) in a position to launch a strike on
Baghdad within a fortnight of the order being given, if it is
decided to mount the operation with a fast and light force of
50,000. There are about 30,000 American troops in the region
already.

"It would take 10 days to bring in the additional equipment, 10
days to airlift the troops and 10 days to get to Baghdad," said
John Pike, the head of GlobalSecurity.org, a thinktank which
closely monitors military movements.

Nor would it take long to complete the military build-up if it were
decided to play it safe and gather an overwhelming force of
200,000 or more before striking. Under Centcom's blueprint for a
full-scale invasion, Operation Plan 1003, the force could be
assembled in two months. That would be much faster than the
six months' build-up in the last Gulf war, partly because it would
involve fewer troops, partly because the sluggish US military
machine has become gradually more nimble.

The deployment of Centcom's headquarters from Florida to
Qatar is officially part of a biennial exercise called Internal Look
and is supposed to last a week. However it is highly unusual for
General Tommy Franks, the man who would command an Iraqi
invasion, and 600 of his top staff, to take part in such a distant
relocation. The Pentagon has also made it clear that the move
could be permanent.


In the past few months, the $1.7bn al-Udeid base in Qatar has
been expanded and enhanced to serve as an alternative to Saudi
Arabia, which acted host to US headquarters in the first Gulf
war, but which has refused to get involved this time. Some
Pentagon officials still believe that the Saudis will relent at the
last moment, and say that the Prince Sultan air base near
Riyadh, where a hi-tech command and control centre was
completed last summer, is their first choice.

The US air force has since the spring been moving computer
equipment and munitions to al-Udeid, home to the region's
longest runway (4,500 metres). Engineers are also at work
replicating the base's state-of-the-art combined air operations
centre, from where complex large-scale air raids can be
coordinated.

Viewed on their own, each of these individual chess moves
looks quotidian. Taken together, they start to look like a
well-implemented game plan.

There are already 400 US warplanes in the region.

In another small sign of military wheels turning faster, the
Washington Kurdish Institute received a call yesterday from the
US air force seeking a "crash course" in Kurdish.
It would have
to start soon, an air force officer said, and some students might
have to leave at short notice.

Gen Franks's force commanders are also already in the Gulf,
having quietly established and expanded command posts there
over the past few months.

The US third army, Centcom's ground component, set up its
headquarters in Kuwait in November, and work has been under
way since then to transform it into a hub for ground operations.
A specialised marine unit with equipment to detect chemical
biological or radiological attacks, is also on the way to Kuwait.

The marine headquarters was ordered to Bahrain in January this
year, to set up camp alongside the US navy's 5th fleet, which
has been based there for years.

Reinforced

US special forces are also believed to have been considerably
reinforced in the Gulf. The navy seals have set up a
headquarters in Bahrain. Other units are in Kuwait, Qatar and
Oman, where the SAS is also training.

Large amounts of equipment have been warehoused in the Gulf
so that it is instantly available when the order to invade is given.
Mr Pike said there were enough tanks, armoured cars and
munitions in place in Qatar and Kuwait for three heavy
mechanised brigades (a total of up to 15,000 troops).

Less visible, but no less definite, is the British move towards
military preparedness. The Royal Navy's flagship, the Ark Royal,
is on long-planned exercises in the Mediterranean. It could
provide a floating command and control centre for British forces
and base for Royal Marine commandos and special forces.


There are two specific ways in which the RAF could help the US
- refuelling US navy aircraft and providing intelligence from
high-flying Canberra planes equipped with aerial reconnaissance
cameras. The third - passive - contribution would be the British
island of Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean. It was used by B-52
bombers in the 1991 Gulf war and in the recent Afghanistan
campaign. Equipment loaded on to ships ready to sail from
Diego Garcia could be in the Gulf within a week.

On the ground, Britain's contribution would consist of two
distinct elements - paratroopers from the 16 assault brigade,
SAS troops, and possible marine commandos dropped into Iraq
by helicopter, and - in the event of a full-scale land invasion - two
heavily armoured brigades equipped with Challenger 2 battle
tanks.

These are based in Germany and are unlikely to be ready for
action in the Gulf before the end of the year, British defence
sources say. On top of this litany of military preparations, the
bombing, of course, is already under way. Senior British defence
sources yesterday told the Guardian that US and UK aircraft
were stepping up "no-fly" patrols over southern Iraq to destroy
the air defence system, as a prelude to a possible invasion.

British defence sources said yesterday that US and UK planes
were patrolling in an "unpredictable" way. However, the past
week's air strikes show that they are attacking targets over a
wide area.


The targets have included a large Iraqi military base 250 miles
south-west of Baghdad and an anti-ship missile base near the
southern port of Basra. One of the reasons why the patrols have
increased is that US radar-jamming "Prowler" aircraft have
returned to the Gulf after action in Afghanistan. British Tornado
fighters and bombers based in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia rely on
American planes to jam Iraqi radar.

British defence sources have now given up the pretence that the
southern no-fly zone is a humanitarian exercise designed to
protect Iraqi Shias and Marsh Arabs. They too are increasingly
bluntly speaking the language of war.


guardian.co.uk



To: Mephisto who wrote (4562)9/14/2002 12:20:05 PM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
U.S. Iraq Delegation Presses Peace
Sat Sep 14,11:29 AM ET

By SAMEER N. YACOUB, Associated Press Writer

BAGHDAD, Iraq (AP) - It would be immoral for America to attack Iraq without
provocation, a former U.S. senator said here Saturday.

James Abourezk, who used to represent South
Dakota in the senate, was speaking to reporters after
he, Democratic West Virginia Rep. Nick Rahall and
two other Americans met with Iraqi Health Minister
Omed Medhat Mubarak.


The four-person delegation arrived overnight in Iraq,
saying it intended to push for peace as well as the
return of U.N. weapons inspectors.

It is the first time in several years that a sitting U.S.
legislator has visited Iraq, which has been under U.N.
sanctions since it invaded Kuwait in 1990.

"We are on a humanitarian mission ... not only to
convince the Iraqi people that the American people
are concerned with their suffering, but also to show
that the American people, their vast majority, are
peace-waging individuals," Rahall told reporters after flying in from Syria.


President Bush told the U.N. General Assembly this week
that the Iraqi government must grant access to U.N. weapons inspectors or
face confrontation. Ratcheting up the pressure Friday, Bush said he was
"talking days and weeks" for a proposed U.N. Security Council resolution that
would demand Iraq admit inspectors or face the consequences.

Iraq has barred inspectors, who are charged with verifying the elimination of its
weapons of mass destruction, since 1998.

After the meeting with the health minister, Abourezk criticized moves toward an
attack on Iraq and said the United States was motivated by Israel.

"If America launched an attack on somebody without any provocation and
declaration of war, then it will lose its moral standards," Abourezk said.

"Bush, pushed by Israel, is trying to build a case against Iraq without evidence,"
he said.

Israel has accused Iraq of sponsoring terror by financing the families of
Palestinian suicide bombers and trying to smuggle weapons into the
Palestinian areas.

Before the meeting with the health minister, Rahall said that if he were to meet
Iraqi officials, "it is my desire to stress upon the Iraqi government and its
president that they must accept unconditional access to their country by U.N.
weapons inspectors."


Rahall said the return of inspectors would be a step toward peace, but he
declined to say if it would put an end to Bush's desire to oust Iraqi President
Saddam Hussein .

"I cannot speak on behalf of President Bush. I am not here as a secretary of
state or a weapons inspector. I am here as individual member of congress who
has questions that I would like to get answers to," Rahall said.

The delegation visited al-Mansour Children's Hospital in Baghdad, where Rahall
met leukemia patients and gave toys to the children.

The delegation' s trip is sponsored by the Institute of Public Accuracy, a
Washington-based group of analysts.

The other delegates are Norman Solomon, the institute's executive director, and
James Jennings, the president of Conscience International - an Atlanta-based
aid and rights group.

dailynews.yahoo.com

Email Story



To: Mephisto who wrote (4562)9/15/2002 2:37:22 AM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 15516
 
UN fears Iraq anarchy as Bush calls for 'backbone' on Saddam:
Is war now inevitable?
Talk about it here or email us at letters@observer.co.uk

Ed Vulliamy in Washington and Kamal Ahmed in London
Sunday September 15, 2002
The Observer

The United Nations fears that Iraq will become ungovernable if
Saddam Hussein is deposed by military force because the
United States will fail to make a long-term commitment to the
country.

As President George W. Bush called on the UN to 'show some
backbone' over Iraq, senior UN figures spoken to by The
Observer said that there was no 'Afghanistan solution' to the
problems of the country because it was not clear who would
take over the leadership if the dictator is removed.


Revealing a significant stumbling block as the UN continued to
inch towards signing new resolutions, officials said the country
could be destroyed by political in-fighting, putting the whole
Middle East region at risk.

'The Americans haven't done enough in Afghanistan and if that is
the model of how they are going about Iraq then there are
serious concerns,' one well-placed official said.

'Every aspect of the experience in Afghanistan suggests that the
Americans show very little or no interest in this. There's this view
that you go in, execute the bad guys, and leave the place even if
it is in a mess. I am not at all convinced the Americans have
worked this out.'


Coalition forces that attacked Afghanistan made it clear that any
post-Taliban government would coalesce around Hamid Karzai
and representatives of the various ethnic groups which make up
the country. Tony Blair also said that there would be a long-term
commitment to rebuilding the failed state.

The UN is increasingly concerned that no such plan exists for
Iraq.


In his weekly radio address, Bush reiterated his appeal for tough
action against Saddam. He challenged the US Congress and
the UN to take a forceful stand, saying the 'lives of millions and
the peace of the world' may be at stake.

'Make no mistake about it. If we have to deal with the problem,
we'll deal with it,' he said.

Bush said his call for action was gaining ground one day after
Iraq flatly rejected US demands for a swift and unconditional
return of UN arms inspectors.

It appears that weekend discussions between the five permanent
members of the security council - the US, Britain, France,
Russia and China - have brought the prospect of a new
resolution giving Saddam a deadline for allowing in weapons
inspectors closer. A new resolution could be agreed as early as
next week, with a follow-up resolution opening the way to
military action should Saddam not comply.


Within the European Union, often seen as cautious over military
action, opinion also appeared to be moving. The US President is
likely to be able count on the support of the Italian Prime
Minister, Silvio Berlusconi, whom he met at Camp David
yesterday. Italy's support will stand alongside Spain and Britain,
with France moving towards agreement.

Only Germany of the large EU states still stands implacably
opposed to military action.

'We must stand up for our security and for the demands of
human dignity,' Bush said. 'By heritage and choice, the United
States will make that stand. The world community must do so
as well.'

The Foreign Secretary, Jack Straw, said that the UN would be
undermined if it does not act.

In a speech to the UN General Assembly last night, Straw said:
'We cannot let the United Nations' unique authority, leading the
international community, be undermined by those who have no
respect for it.

'All of us who believe in the United Nations have to make our
minds up now about how to deal with Iraq. The authority of the
United Nations itself is at stake.'

Shashi Tharoor, a senior aide to UN Secretary General Kofi
Annan, said that the UN and US positions were closer than it
appeared on the surface.


'If you read that [Bush's speech last week to the UN] in
conjunction with what Kofi Annan said you will see a greater
degree of co-operation than one reads about in the press,' he
said.

Both Bush and Annan said that they wanted to see a
'multilateral' response to the Iraq issue if possible.

guardian.co.uk



To: Mephisto who wrote (4562)9/16/2002 8:14:35 AM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 15516
 
Bush needs a vision to justify war

William Pfaff International Herald Tribune, Los Angeles
Times Syndicate International
Saturday, September 14, 2002

Targeting Iraq II
iht.com

PARIS Americans are uncomfortable with foreign
policies that are not given a visionary or idealistic
formulation. They are accustomed to having
foreign policy placed in a more generous
framework than is currently offered. Where would
victories over Iraq and al Qaeda lead?

The absence of vision was particularly noticeable
this week, as memorial observances for last year's
lost lives included readings from Franklin
Roosevelt's Four Freedoms, the Gettysburg
Address and other idealistic past statements of
American purpose.

President George W. Bush spoke of America's
"moral vocation." But his administration has at the
same time been making its most strenuous efforts
yet to convince Americans and their reluctant
allies to go to war against Saddam Hussein's Iraq.
There is discordance here, which more than one
American has found troubling.


Ever since Communism's collapse left the United
States in a position of unchallenged power, there
has been much discussion of how this power
should properly be used, or how it could be
abused. Articles and books have described the
situation in terms of "global hegemony," and have
recommended that the United States take
advantage of its extraordinary position.

This ordinarily was accompanied by the disclaimer
that American interests nonetheless serve the
world's interest because of the high ideals of the
United States. Bush put this in his own way
recently when he called the United States "the
single surviving model of human progress."

The administration's problem is that a war against
Iraq does not comfortably fit into the model of
progressive and essentially benevolent national
policy.


Now there is an effort to supply a remedy. A part
of the neoconservative and pro-Israeli community
influencing Bush administration policy argues
that a war against Saddam Hussein should be
seen in the context of a long-term American policy
for transforming the Muslim Middle East.

It identifies "regime change" in Iraq and the
campaign against Al Qaeda as necessary steps in a
decades-long American program to replace
virtually all of the existing Middle Eastern
governments and install social and economic
reform. The entire Middle East, plus Central Asia,
Afghanistan and Pakistan, would be included in
an American policy that its authors compare with
the remaking of Europe ("by America") after World
War II.


Descriptions of this new project have been
provided by Michael Ledeen of the American
Enterprise Institute and others. The program itself
will soon be published in Policy Review magazine.
Its authors are Ronald Asmus, formerly of the
State Department, and Ken Pollack, formerly of
the Clinton administration.

It envisages a remade post-Taliban Afghanistan;
an Arab-Israeli settlement on terms acceptable to
Israel; "regime change" in Iran, as well as Iraq; and
backing for civil society throughout the region,
"particularly among current allies" (meaning
Egypt, Saudi Arabia and probably the Gulf
emirates).

Other advocates of this approach insist that
eliminating Saddam Hussein will release existing
but suppressed democratic forces, radically
changing the Middle East. The eminent British
historian Michael Howard wrote last weekend that
to believe this "demands a considerable
suspension of disbelief."


There is nothing wrong with having a theory about
reform in the Muslim world. A serious government
is expected to have a strategic outlook. The new
Washington proposal rests, however, on the
progressive myth that mankind would be peaceful
and democratic if it were not the victim of false
ideologies or evil dictators.

It rests as well on an inherently contradictory
notion that foreign intervention is capable of
solving the Islamic world's distress.


To justify his war against Iraq, Bush needs a
demonstrated grave cause (not speculation about
what Iraq might do in the future); reasonable
prospects for success and legitimacy in the
opinion of the American public and that of his
allies.

He has yet to prove his cause. If he did, the United
Nations could provide the legitimacy. But a theory
that rests on the suspension of disbelief does
nothing for him or for the debate. It tends rather
toward the characteristic evil of the 20th century,
which was to kill people because of a fiction about
the future.


International Herald Tribune Los Angeles Times
Syndicate International

iht.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (4562)9/17/2002 11:58:08 AM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
Saddam's Iraq is the ideal enemy
news.independent.co.uk

By Raymond Whitaker

15 September 2002

What is the case for war against Iraq? We
still have more than a week to wait for the
British Government's much-anticipated
dossier on Saddam Hussein's regime,
but if the information released last week
by the White House is any guide, it will
contain little that is new.

The outlines of the argument are already
known; President George Bush repeated
them at the United Nations on Thursday,
the same day the White House published
its information. Iraq has persistently
defied UN Security Council resolutions.
Saddam Hussein is a wicked man who
has used weapons of mass destruction
in the past - 5,000 people were gassed
in the Kurdish village of Halabja in 1988 -
and is doing his best to develop nuclear
weapons (not very successfully,
according to the respected Bulletin of the
Atomic Scientists in the US).
If he is not
stopped, the world, shaken by the
al-Qa'ida attacks on New York and
Washington a year ago, will become
immeasurably more dangerous.

Critics are pointing out, however, that
most of these accusations apply to other
countries as well. Israel has flouted
Security Council res-olution 242 since
1967, annexing the Golan Heights and east Jerusalem, and allowing
Jewish settlements to expand all over the West Bank and Gaza, yet the
US has done little to oppose the process, let alone threaten military
action. Indeed, one of its main reasons for threatening Iraq is because
of the potential danger to Israel.

This contradiction enrages the Arab world and attracts recruits to
al-Qa'ida, but the US has been demanding "regime change", not of
Israel, but of the Palestinians.
The Bush administration has called
publicly for Yasser Arafat to be ousted as head of the Palestinian
Authority. Ironically, nothing is more likely to guarantee his re-election in
January, despite growing Pale- stinian discontent with him.

In most of the Middle East, equating Israel with Iraq appears obvious. In
most of the West, the comparison is considered absurd. But what of
North Korea, Baghdad's partner in Mr Bush's "Axis of Evil"?

It too is a nightmarish regime which defies the international community,
has gone to war with the West and supports terrorism. Worse, unlike
Iraq it already has nuclear weapons - but that is precisely why the US
treats North Korea differently.

The knowledge that Pyongyang could leave the Korean peninsula and
Japan an irradiated wasteland is a powerful disincentive to threats; it
has to be left to the South Koreans to try to persuade their neighbours to
behave rationally. But if weapons of mass destruction are likely to be
used anywhere soon, it is in south Asia.

India and Pakistan, both declared nuclear powers, have gone to war
three times since independence in 1947, twice over Kashmir, and
looked dangerously close to doing so again earlier this year. Yet the US,
which needed Pakistan's support when it went to war in Afghanistan,
waived sanctions imposed because of Islamabad's nuclear
programme. Similar realpolitik applies to India.

Even without their nuclear weapons, India or Pakistan would be a
daunting prospect for a superpower seeking to exercise its military
strength. But if regime change is an option wherever there are
unpleasant dictators, some have asked, why not Zimbabwe? Robert
Mugabe's
oppression is worsening to the point where up to half the
population is threatened with famine, and removing him would be the
work of an afternoon for the US military. The country's neighbours would
be outraged - but that does not seem to be a problem in the Middle
East.

The suggestion is satirical, of course, but why? Because Zimbabwe,
like North Korea, India and Pakistan, is not a major oil exporter, and
therefore ranks low in US strategic thinking. The same cannot be said
of Iran: bracketed with its neighbour in the "Axis of Evil", also a key oil
producer and also, according to the US, seeking to acquire nuclear
weapons. When President Saddam was seen as the West's friend, it
was because of Western hostility to the clerical regime in Tehran.


Unpleasant, authoritarian and anti-Western as it may be, however, Iran
is not a dictatorship in the Iraqi or North Korean mould. A recognisable
civil society is struggling to evolve, and would unite against any hint of
an American-led attack. Tehran swiftly condemned the terrorist acts of
11 September.

No, Iraq is unique: oil-rich, governed by fear and dangerous, yet militarily
weak enough to contemplate defeating. That is what singles out
Saddam Hussein for special treatment, though Tony Blair's dossier will
not put it quite that way.




news.independent.co.uk



To: Mephisto who wrote (4562)9/17/2002 12:08:10 PM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 15516
 
"Donald Rumsfeld, the current Defence
Secretary, has repeatedly raised the spectre of Iraq's arsenal of
weapons of mass destruction. But in 1983, when Mr Rumsfeld was
President Reagan's special envoy to Iraq, he turned a blind eye to Iraqi
use of nerve and mustard gas in its war with Iran, concentrating instead
on forging a personal relationship with the Iraqi leader, then considered
a valuable US ally.

Mr Rumsfeld was actually in Baghdad on the day the United Nations
first reported Iraqi use of chemical weapons, but chose to remain silent,
as did the rest of the US establishment. Five years later, he cited his
ability to make friends with Saddam Hussein as one of his
qualifications for a possible run at the presidency.


This Bush administration has been much more upfront about the role of
oil in its deliberations on Iraq than the last Bush administration. That is
partly a matter of circumstance: since the 11 September attacks, the
stability of Middle Eastern oil states has been a big policy consideration.
But it also reflects the fact that much of the Bush inner circle, including
the President himself, is made up of former oilmen. The oil and gas
industry has pumped about $50m to political candidates since the 2000
election."


The above is an excerpt from the article, "Fortunes of war await Bush's circle after attacks on Iraq"

By Andrew Gumbel in Los Angeles

15 September 2002

news.independent.co.uk

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