SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (7118)9/23/2002 10:10:46 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Inspections policy with teeth could avert war with Iraq

By NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF
SYNDICATED COLUMNIST
Monday, September 23, 2002

BAGHDAD, Iraq -- If there's a new conciliatory mood here in Baghdad, it's even better hidden than Iraq's Scud missiles.

The first thing a visitor sees after arriving at Saddam International Airport is a set of angry slogans in both English and Arabic declaring "Down USA" and "Down With America."

Then after a spin down a lovely airport highway, it was time to step into the Al-Rasheed Hotel -- with its floor mosaic of the first President Bush scowling satanically at arriving guests. You have to step on his face to enter the hotel.

"If the U.S. bombs Baghdad again," my taxi driver mused, "maybe they'll add a picture of the younger Bush as well."

So while it's nice that weapons inspectors may return, there's not much sign of a change of heart in Baghdad. President Bush is right to be exceptionally skeptical of Saddam's intentions.

Yet the administration is too dismissive of inspections. The present structure is unworkable, but it just may be possible to put teeth in the inspections so that they really are meaningful, so that they could avert a war. Saddam's paramount aim is to survive, and if faced with tough "comply or die" inspections, he might choose his life over his Scuds. Certainly Iraq is jittery about an invasion.

"So you're an American?" an immigration official asked me when he saw my passport. He called me over, and I thought he was going to grill me about my visa (which took seven months of cajolery).

"Is there going to be war?" he asked worriedly.

At customs, as officials were confiscating my mobile phones, which are banned in Iraq, they were much less interested in the phones themselves than in whether I would pay a bribe and whether there would be an invasion. And the talk quickly turned to war, since they acknowledged that nothing could rescue my mini-satellite phone, which the authorities worry about because spies could use them to call in air strikes.

"He would have my throat cut if you were found with it," explained one official, pointing to a poster of Saddam, "and you would be executed too." (That dampened my interest in holding on to the telephone.)

Rigorous inspections are worth a try, because Saddam is a shrewd survivor. Indeed, it's a tribute to his survival talent that he's outmaneuvered the United Nations and rebuilt Iraq since the Gulf War -- and that many Iraqis seem to blame Americans rather than him for a decade of sanctions and suffering. In any case, there is no longer any sign of war damage, and the bazaars are bustling with Pepsi, Tom-and-Jerry school bags, Barbie coloring books and 50-cent pirated videodiscs for such movies as "Unfaithful," "Rush Hour" and "Snow Dogs."

The booming economy (the CIA says the Iraq economy grew 15 percent in 2000) reflects smuggling, illegal oil surcharges and the eclipse of effective sanctions.

The only hope to avert war is inspections that are completely restructured and greatly empowered. One of the best ideas comes from Corey Hinderstein and David Albright of the Institute for Science and International Security: They suggest that Iraqi weapons scientists and their entire families could be taken out of Iraq and interviewed where they would be beyond retaliation.

The earlier U.N. inspections have been justly criticized, but for all their weaknesses they did manage to destroy "far more of Saddam Hussein's weapons of mass destruction" than the Gulf War itself did, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace reported in March. Really tough and aggressive inspections could do even better and just might be able to neutralize Iraq without a war.

Unfortunately, the mood here in Baghdad seems not just defiant but also rather unreal. This turns out to be Iraqi Tourism Week, and so travel agents from many countries are trampling over President Bush's face at the Al-Rasheed Hotel. One official noticed my incredulity about the tourism conference and explained, "This was planned long ago."

____________________________________________________

Nicholas D. Kristof is a columnist for The New York Times. Copyright 2002 New York Times News Service.

seattlepi.nwsource.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (7118)9/23/2002 10:22:21 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
22 Reasons not to expand the War on Terrorism to Iraq

cooperativeresearch.org

This information sheet is being distributed by [name of your organization here], a local organization made up of everyday Americans who understand that true patriotism necessarily implies a willingness to be critical of the government when it fails to represent the needs of its people.

It is not in America’s interest to invade Iraq.

1) An unprovoked invasion of Iraq and the removal of its leader by force would only sow more seeds of anti-American sentiment among the populations of the Middle East and inspire more acts of terrorism against innocent Americans. This view was most recently voiced by experts who testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in late July and early August.

2) The American economy is steadily deteriorating: The trade deficit and the budget deficit are both increasing, the tax base is declining, personal and corporate bankruptcies are on the rise at a staggering rate, consumer confidence is plummeting, investor confidence has all but disappeared, the stock market just recently hit new lows not seen since 1998, millions of Americans are without health insurance, unemployment is rising, affordable housing is almost nonexistent, the U.S. dollar is losing value (which could eventually result in inflation and rising interest rates), state governments - with California in the lead – are under severe financial duress, and the very existence of Social Security and Medicare is at peril. An expensive war will only exacerbate these problems. Is this the time to spend billions of dollars to invade a third world country clear across the globe?

3) The proposed war against Iraq has nothing to do with the government’s purported objective of ridding the world of terrorism and weapons of mass destruction. Rather the real motive behind removing Saddam Hussein from power and imposing a U.S.-friendly government is, as Henry Kissinger admitted in an op-ed piece published by The Washington Post, ‘essentially geopolitical.’ By this he meant that Saddam Hussein is not a threat to American citizens, but rather a threat to the profits of American oil corporations who are covetous of the huge amounts of oil that are inconveniently located in a country ruled by a leader who not pro-American. It also means that establishing American hegemony in that oil-rich country is fundamental to the long term strategic -interests of multinational corporations (you know, the ones that have cheated investors out of billions of dollars) who want to increase their influence elsewhere in the world in order to hedge against the possibility of a total economic collapse in the U.S.

The U.S. currently has no credible evidence to substantiate its claims that Iraq is a threat to America.

4) In 1999, a committee under the UN Security Council concluded that Iraq’s primary biological weapons facility “had been destroyed and rendered harmless.”

5) In January of 2002, the International Atomic Energy agency sent inspectors into Iraq and found no evidence of nuclear weapons.

6) Hans von Sponneck, the UN humanitarian coordinator for Iraq from 1998-2000, wrote in 2001, “Iraq today is no longer a military threat to anyone. Intelligence agencies know this. All the conjectures about weapons of mass destruction in Iraq lack evidence.”

7) Outgoing Secretary of Defense, William Cohen, informed incoming President George Bush in January of 2000: “Iraq no longer poses a military threat to its neighbors.”

8) The February 6 edition of the New York Times stated, “The Central Intelligence Agency has no evidence that Iraq has engaged in terrorist operations against the United States in nearly a decade, and the agency is convinced that Saddam Hussein has not provided chemical or biological weapons to al-Qaeda or related terrorist groups.” The NYT reiterated this view in a recent editorial that was published on August 3.

9) The 2002 annual state department report on state-sponsored terrorism admitted that Saddam Hussein’s regime has few links with Islamic fundamentalists.

War in Iraq would be disastrous.

10) An attack on Iraq could provoke Saddam Hussein into invading Israel thus drawing the region’s most resented state into the conflict. A joint U.S./Israeli war against Muslim Iraq would likely inspire uncontrollable popular uprisings in neighboring Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Egypt.

11) A U.S. attack on Iraq would be viewed upon by many in the Arab world as an unprovoked act by Western imperialists. Many fear that the pro-Western governments of Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Jordon, which are already breaking at the seams, would experience massive social unrest as a result of a U.S. invasion of Iraq.

12) Saddam Hussein’s military is much stronger and loyal than the former Taliban’s rag tag army of hungry conscripts. The Iraqi dictator commands an army consisting of 350,000 men, 2,700 tanks, 90 jets, 100 helicopters, and 300 mobile anti-aircraft missile launchers. Experts agree that his extremely loyal and well-trained elite republican guard would present a considerable challenge to American troops fighting on the ground. Even Colin Powell admitted, “The Taliban neither consolidated its hold nor built regular armed forces. Iraq, on the other hand, has a strong state apparatus and a sizeable professional military.”

13) A U.S. ground invasion of Iraq would require a large commitment of American soldiers because unlike in Afghanistan, where the U.S. relied heavily on the Northern Alliance as a proxy army, there are no Iraqi opposition groups powerful enough to confront Saddam’s military forces. U.S. military strategists believe a ground force of up to 250,000 American soldiers would be necessary to defeat Saddam Hussein’s army. They concede that a large number American casualties would be inevitable.

14) Iraq, unlike Afghanistan, is densely populated. Civilian casualties would consequently be much worse

15) An attack on Iraq would likely provoke Saddam Hussein into using whatever destructive weapons he actually has. The Observer (London) reported, “The planners [in the Pentagon] have decided they will have 48 hours to find and kill or capture Saddam before he tries to deploy any nuclear, biological or major conventional weapons he may have.” And former Iraqi intelligence officer Wafiq al-Samarrai similarly stated: “The US should know that Saddam will not hesitate to use weapons of mass destruction on American military groupings. Diplomacy is the only choice for the United States.”

16) Even if the proposed military operation were to succeed in ousting Saddam Hussein from power, who would replace him? The U.S. currently has no clear plan for a post-Saddam government. The various departments within the U.S. government are at odds with one another over who would be a suitable leader. And even if the U.S. could decide on a successor to Saddam Hussein, it’s certain that the Iraqis themselves, representing several different ethnic groups, would not readily accept a leader imposed upon them by a foreign power. Experts almost unanimously agree that U.S. plans to invade Iraq lack considerable foresight and hold the potential to make an already bad situation in the Middle East even worse. As Philip Gordon of the Brookings Institution said, “Removing Saddam will be opening a Pandora's box, and there might not be any easy way to close it back up.”

Almost no one supports the United States’ plan to invade Iraq.

17) The Joint Chiefs of Staff (comprised of high ranking military officers) have stated their opposition to invading Iraq. On July 22, Electronic Intelligence Weekly reported that according to a “senior retired U.S. military official” whom the intelligence newsletter interviewed on July 15, “there is total unity among the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the regional Commanders-in-Chief, in opposition to an Iraq invasion.” The source named the new Commander of the Pacific Command as one of the more vocal critics of Washington’s war plans, “noting that the Pacific Command is the key support for all U.S. military operations in the Middle East and Persian Gulf.” On July 29 The Washington Post published a similar article in which it was reported: “Despite President Bush's repeated bellicose statements about Iraq, many senior U.S. military officers contend that President Saddam Hussein poses no immediate threat.” The Post quoted one officer who actually questioned the president's motives, saying, “I'm not aware of any linkage to al Qaeda or terrorism, so I have to wonder if this has something to do with his father being targeted by Saddam.”

18) Most of the international community opposes the U.S. plan to illegally invade Iraq and forcefully dispose of Saddam Hussein. Countries that have expressed serious concerns over the Bush administration’s ambitions include: Canada, Egypt, France, Germany, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Malaysia, Morocco, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkey, and the United Kingdom.

19) Vince Cannistraro, a former CIA counterterrorism chief, told David Corn (09-30-2002), Washington editor for The Nation, “They [the hawks] have no reasonable plan, no magic button to push. They want to overthrow Saddam Hussein, but the only way to do that is put U.S. ground forces in Iraq. That would be a bloody mess and we would have no support whatsoever from other countries.”

20) Dennis Halliday and Hans von Sponneck, former UN humanitarian coordinators for Iraq, have authored numerous op-ed pieces in major newspapers denouncing U.S. plans for war against Iraq. The two men had resigned from their positions in the U.N. in protest of the U.N. sanctions on Iraq which they argue are genocidal because of the more than one million innocent people that have died as a direct result of the policy.

21) Scott Ritter, former UN chief weapons inspector in Iraq, is also a prolific author of op-ed pieces denouncing the war drive against Iraq. He has repeatedly argued that (1) Saddam poses no significant threat to the U.S., its allies, or even Iraq’s neighbors; (2) that Washington currently has NO credible evidence to substantiate its claims that he is a serious threat; and (3) A war against Iraq would completely destabilize the Middle East, producing disastrous consequences for the future – increased frequency of terrorist acts against Americans, a lengthy and costly war, and increased economic instability.

22) Even the Iraqi “opposition” groups are against U.S. plans to forcibly remove Saddam Hussein. Ayatollah Mohammad Bakr al-Hakkim of the Supreme Council of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq told one reporter, “There is no need to send troops from outside to Iraq. It could be seen as an invasion and could create new problems. . . . . The best thing the US can do is force the regime not to use its heavy weapons against the people, like they did in Kosovo. Then the Iraqi people can bring change--it must be done by the Iraqis themselves.” Massoud Barzani of the Kurdish Democratic Party stated back in February, “We will not be ordered by America or any others. We will not be a bargaining chip or tool of pressure to be used against Iraq.” And Jalal Talabani, leader of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan declared on August 7, “We are not for blindly participating in any attack or in any plan. . . . We are not in favor of having a new dictatorship replacing the old one.”



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (7118)9/23/2002 10:36:10 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Self-centered interests in Iraq?

By TOM PLATE
Tribune Media Services
Monday, September 23, 2002

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Los Angeles -- IS IT ANTI-AMERICAN to disagree with U.S. policy? When much of the rest of the world has sincere doubts about the wisdom of an offensive against the sovereign state of Iraq, should it be thought anti-American?

To be sure, Iraq is a tricky issue, especially for neighboring countries. They may not like Saddam Hussein (who does?), but they doubt that there is any present danger (at least in the absence of a destabilizing Western offensive). In fact, we all know that many countries, not just Iraq, have stockpiled biological or chemical weapons -- including, of course, the United States and Israel, which also have nuclear ones.

What's especially widespread in Asia, though, is not just doubt but fear -- that a Western attack on Iraq would erect a wall of mistrust between the West and the Muslim world and create psychological conditions conducive to the growth of vicious terrorism. It would be a cure far worse than the disease of Hussein if the result were a renewed and seemingly permanent geopolitical plague of terrorism, especially against the United States and Israel. But some of America's closest friends, not wishing to appear disloyal to a brittle "with us or against us" Bush administration, in Asia and elsewhere, fear to make these points publicly.

Not, however, outspoken Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed, who is almost always direct -- abroad and at home -- sometimes to a fault. The problem of Hussein, he says, will prove less daunting than the problem created in the effort to vaporize him. While Washington sees a particular evil, much of Asia sees a far larger looming threat. Explains Mahathir: "If America persists in removing Saddam Hussein by military means, it will only anger the Muslim world. The Muslim world is already angry enough for them to produce terrorists who carry out suicide attacks. If the attack on Saddam Hussein is mounted, there will be more willing recruits in the terrorist ranks."

An anti-Muslim crusade may be the furthest thing from Washington's mind, but the "perception is that Muslim countries seem to be the target everywhere, " as Mahathir puts it. The growing perception is of one civilization gunning for another, rich against poor, light against dark. Hard facts are not always as memorable or enduring as gut impressions.

Head of a largely Islamic nation of 20 million for more than two decades, Mahathir knows that in taking on the world's only superpower, he runs a risk. Yet he also generates a great deal of silent admiration across the region. The truth is, many people in Asia as elsewhere are turned off by the implicit arrogance of Washington's instinct toward geopolitical moralism, as if only America knows the right thing to do. A United Arab Emirates columnist, writing in the prestigious Khaleej Times newspaper, put it succinctly last week: "Not only is the United States the greatest and most powerful nation on planet Earth, but it is now also the one country that has appropriated the right to live by its own set of rules, quite apart from the rest of the world. . . . American hubris is so dangerous because of the unparalleled power it enjoys."

That power is not viewed as inherently evil as long as it is applied sincerely multinationally -- that is to say, in the interest of all (or at least many) nations rather than one. So here's the paradox: The Bush administration may sincerely believe its topple-Hussein policy is in the world's interest -- and indeed it may be right. But the widespread perception in Asia and elsewhere is that what drives U.S. policy is not a broad global perspective but America's narrow national interests (and perhaps the president's secret wish to settle an old score for his father), and Washington's increasingly close relationship with Israel (which has been overtly targeting the Palestinian leadership). Because the U.S. effort to imbue the anti-Hussein offensive with a paternal multinational patina seems insincere, the core policy seems inherently unilateral and self-centered.

___________________________________________________

Tom Plate is a communications professor at UCLA.

sfgate.com