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Politics : The Donkey's Inn -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?

To: Mephisto who wrote (4754)	9/27/2002 3:08:23 PM
From: Mephisto	Read Replies (2) \| Respond to of 15516

The Bush Doctrine New York Times Editorial September 22, 2002 As a presidential candidate two years ago, George W. Bush called for a degree of humility in our dealings with other nations. Since Mr. Bush took office, it has often been hard to locate that sentiment in his foreign policy. The latest and most definitive articulation of his views, published on Friday, reflects a good deal more modesty and generosity than earlier expressions, but it also bristles with bald assertions of American power. Mr. Bush's Texas supporters may like it - he instructed his staff to write it in plain English so "the boys in Lubbock" could read it - but it is sure to make the rest of the world uneasy, including America's closest allies. The tension between idealism and realism in foreign policy runs through America history, and the fault lines are evident in Mr. Bush's policy statement. The paper - a policy summation that every president is required to submit to Congress - seems in some sections to be animated by the most enlightened and constructive impulses of the land of Jefferson, Lincoln and the Marshall Plan. It dedicates the nation to extending the benefits of freedom, democracy, prosperity and the rule of law to struggling countries around the globe. Mr. Bush speaks eloquently in an introductory letter about working with other nations to combat disease and alleviate poverty, and he reaffirms his determination to increase American foreign aid. At other points, the paper sounds more like a pronouncement that the Roman Empire or Napoleon might have produced. Given Mr. Bush's lone-wolf record on matters like global warming, and the nature of the issues he now faces, including a looming confrontation with Iraq, it is clear these combative attitudes will be driving Washington policy in the months ahead. The boys in Lubbock may want to pause before signing on for the overly aggressive stance Mr. Bush has outlined. Mr. Bush imagines an intimidating, heavyweight America. A few of the policy prescriptions capture the spirit: American military power will be strong enough to dissuade potential adversaries from ever trying to challenge the military supremacy of the United States. Washington is free to take pre-emptive action against hostile states that are developing weapons of mass destruction. The successful strategies of the cold war, which relied on the threat of overwhelming American retaliation to deter foreign aggression, are largely obsolete. Forceful measures to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons are more effective than treaties. In an era of international terrorism and the constant danger of devastating attacks, there is good reason for Mr. Bush to keep the nation strong and vigilant. Striking first to prevent aggression is not unreasonable when dealing with groups like Al Qaeda, which operate independently of the restraints that govern the behavior of most nation-states. Intercepting a shipment of smuggled plutonium before it reaches a rogue nation makes sense if countries are unwilling or unable to enforce treaty commitments to block the spread of nuclear materials. But when these pugnacious strategies become the dominant theme in American conduct, overwhelming more cooperative instincts, the nation risks alienating its friends and undermining the very interests that Mr. Bush seeks to protect. Strong, confident leaders need not be arrogant leaders. Indeed, arrogance subverts effective leadership. Whether the issue is protection of the environment or protection of the homeland, the United States needs help In securing America's safety, Mr. Bush must be careful not to create a fortress America that inspires the enmity rather than the envy of the world. nytimes.com Copyright 2002 The New York Times Company