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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: maceng2 who wrote (49078)10/3/2002 6:49:45 AM
From: spiral3  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
Belgium Confronts Its Heart of Darkness;
Unsavory Colonial Behavior in the Congo Will Be Tackled by a New Study

ARTS & IDEAS/CULTURAL DESK | September 21, 2002, Saturday
By ALAN RIDING (NYT) 1569 words
Late Edition - Final, Section B, Page 9, Column 4

LEAD PARAGRAPH - No less than other European powers, Belgium proclaimed its colonial mission to be that of spreading civilization. But while Britain and France, say, had global empires, Belgium's attention was focused overwhelmingly on the vast, resource-rich Central African territory of Congo, 75 times larger than Belgium itself. The deal was implicit: in exchange for extracting immense wealth from its colony, Belgium offered schools, roads, Christianity and, yes, civilization.

Yet Belgium's pride in its colonial past has always been shadowed by a darker history, one marked by two decades of perhaps the cruelest rule ever inflicted on a colonized people and, a half-century later, by a violent intervention in Congolese politics after the country's independence in 1960. This history, long buried, neither taught in schools nor mentioned in public, is now beginning to surface.

The above abstract is at this url, the rest of the article is pay per view: query.nytimes.com

I have copied the following from the dead tree version.

>> In February, Belgium admitted participating in the 1961 assassination of Patrice Lumumba Congo’s first Prime Minister, and apologized for it. The motivation for the crime was to avoid losing control over Congo’s resources, but Belgium steadfastly denied any involvement until new evidence collected by a parliamentary commission last year confirmed the direct role of Belgian agents in carrying out and covering up the murder.
.
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Yet the initiative is daring, since it raises the broader question of a country’s continuing responsibility for unsavory actions carried out in it’s name generations or even centuries earlier. These range from promotion of the slave trade and annexation of territories to colonial repression and ransacking of natural resources. Further while the study is not subject to Belgian government control, it will be financed by the taxpayer, which makes intense public debate of it’s findings even more likely.

So far, no other former colonial power has shown an appetite for looking back with a critical eye, even though the colonial records of say, the British in India, the French in Algeria, the Dutch in Indonesia and the Portuguese in Angola all contain examples of human rights abuses and excessive use of force. Interestingly Mr. Gryseels said he had received strong expressions of support from foreign historians and social scientists.

Maria Misra, a lecturer in in modern history at Oxford University, believes that Britain, for one, should follow Belgiums example. “The point of cataloging Britains imperial crimes is not to trash our forebears,” she wrote in The Guardian of London, “but to remind rulers that even the best-run empires are cruel and violent, not just the Belgian Congo. Overwhelming power, combined with boundless superiority, will produce atrocities - even among the well intentioned.”

The strong emotional attachment of some former colonial administrators to prized former colonies, however, can pose a problem. “Every time Belgian ex-colonials hear criticism of what happened under King Leopold, they see it as a criticism of colonialism in general,” Mr. Gryseels explained. “A lot of Belgians worked hard in developing the infrastructure, building roads, organizing school systems, and they feel they did a god job and it is very unfair that the whole thing is being criticized in a very one-sided way.”

A case against King Leopold, though, was already being made a century ago. In 1899, Joseph Conrad published “Heart of Darkness,” in which he exposed the horrors of Congo. In 1904 a British shipping agent, Edmund Morel, formed the Congo reform Association, which publicized the human toll of Leopold’s rule. Finally under British pressure, Leopold sold Congo to Belgium in 1908. In 1919, a Belgian commission estimated that Congo’s population was half what it was in 1879.

But all this was expurgated from Belgium’s official memory. “My generation was brought up with the view that Belgium brought civilization to Congo, that we did nothing but good out there,” said Mr. Gryseels, 49, who attended high school in the late 1960’s. “I don’t think that during my entire education I ever heard a critical word about our colonial past.”<<

There’s more but I can only type out so much. Basically the rest of the article is about how Gryseels, director of the Royal Museum for Central Africa near Brussels (which was originally set up by Leopold as the Museum of the Congo) is trying to change the message, not to pass judgement, but to provide new information about the past.

ok, three last snips

>>Leoplod, <g>, himself never visited the Congo, but it fed him the income to build palaces, monuments and museums and to buy expensive clothes and villas for his teen age mistress.

>>At the museums entrance, for instance, a large statue of a white colonial and two kneeling Africans still stands, accompanied by the inscription, “Belgium brings civilization to the Congo.”

>>He (Gryseels) does not expect the study and exhibition to lead to a fresh apology to Congo, however. “A lot of very positive things happened during the real period of colonization after 1908,” he said. “Also I don’t think one should look at the past with the moral standards of today. After all, early in the last century, children of 6 or 7 were working 17 hours a day inBelgian factories. We should look at it with the moral standards of those periods.”

The article references Adam Hoschschild’s book, “King Leopold’s Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror and Heroism in Colonial Africa” amazon.com

my final thought on the subject - who really cares about Africa anyway, it’s just one of those shitty little countries I suppose.



To: maceng2 who wrote (49078)10/3/2002 9:54:21 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
A personal front

By Ellen Goodman
Columnist
The Boston Globe
10/3/2002

IF ALL THE WORDS used in the run-up-to-war rhetoric, what stays in my mind is the time the president got personal. At a Houston fund-raiser he described Saddam Hussein as ''a guy that tried to kill my dad.''

It wasn't the first time he'd mentioned the assassination attempt. At the United Nations he'd said that the Iraqi leader had tried to kill ''a former American president.'' But this time it was the son talking about his ''dad.''

I won't read a family vendetta into one straight-from-the-gut phrase. I don't believe that the president is planning the Bush-Hatfields against the Hussein-McCoys.

But I think there is something in this son's ardent desire to lead the country in war that has to do with the father and the son, with the greatest generation and the baby boom generation. With a son who sees himself picking up the baton and defining this war as his destiny.

George Bush the elder fought in World War II. George Bush the younger joined the Air National Guard during the Vietnam War. As an adult Dubya was often described as a good ol' boy or a frat boy. As a candidate he was likable and lite. As a president he was elected with a minority of votes and a butterfly ballot.

Sept. 11, 2001, was the most sober day in his life - as it was in ours. The United States of America was attacked on George W. Bush's watch. Life doesn't get much more serious, much more grown-up than that. If there was ever a moment when the responsibility and the burden shifted onto his shoulders - shoulders that had often shrugged - it was that day.

I hadn't voted for him, but I rooted for him. When Bush spoke to the nation after the attacks, I prayed that he was up to the job. And he was.

Now when I reread the speech, a few sentences jump out at me. ''We have suffered great loss. And in our grief and anger we have found our mission and our moment,'' he said. ''Our nation - our generation - will lift a dark threat of violence from our people and our future.''

''Our mission.'' ''Our generation.'' The father flew 58 combat missions over the Pacific as a young man. The boomer son found his mission - and his moment - in the war on terrorism.

Last year George W. Bush's mission was ours - one and the same. The personal was universal. The attack on Al Qaeda, the war against the Taliban, were fought on deep moral principles. We were attacked, and we acted in self-defense.

I was never entirely comfortable with the language of the presidential missionary. I didn't like the talk of ''evildoers,'' though I believed that terrorists were evil. It evoked an apocalyptic view of a world in which God and Satan were contending for the world and the godly people were justified in doing anything to Satan's people. That seemed like the vocabulary of terrorists, not Americans.

But it was a just war, and the world was with us.

Then the evildoer Osama bin Laden morphed into Saddam Hussein. The enemy evolved from an international band of terrorists who attacked us into a nation that could, wants to, someday, maybe, attack us.

The moral argument also switched from self-defense to preemptive war to preventive war - which is difficult to separate from simple aggression. The universal principle has become a unilateral principle.

In his radio speech last Saturday, the president said flatly, ''We refuse to live in this future of fear.'' Without proof of an imminent threat, fear is now the justification for war. And if this president thinks his mission is eliminating a ''future of fear,'' where does that end?

In the switch from Osama to Saddam, from self-defense to ''prevention,'' ''our war'' is becoming ''his war.'' This is where I become wary of a son with a mission.

Listening, I hear a man who believes that he is finally facing the test passed by his elders: the test of war. And while I detest the pejorative ''chicken hawk,'' I can't help noting how many of the pro-warriors in the administration, those who believe that war is not hell but the solution, never fought in one.

Dwight Eisenhower once said, ''When you resorted to force ... you didn't know where you were going. If you got deeper and deeper, there was just no limit except the limitations of force itself.''

Saddam is the guy who ''tried to kill my dad.'' He is without doubt a brutal, maybe mad, man. But the question isn't about our dads. It's about our sons and daughters.

Is this a just war? A necessary one? Would you send your sons and daughters into Iraq today and without allies? The case has yet to be made.

Ellen Goodman's e-mail address is ellengoodman@globe.com.

© Copyright 2002 Globe Newspaper Company.

boston.com