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Politics : The Donkey's Inn -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: TigerPaw who wrote (4832)10/4/2002 2:14:20 PM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
Bush funds right-wing extremists. His Attorney General is a right-wing extremist who had ties with
a group that Saddam supported, according to Ray's article. We shouldn't be surprised.
The following article is very important. The author points out how the Bush Doctrine, or the notion
that the US will dominate the world is a radical notion, comparable to one made 154 years ago,
and that was "The Communist Manifesto."

I'm behind on my posts because of classes, but I thought the following article is very important.
I doubt that members of Congress understand the significance of the Bush doctrine. Just look at how
quickly Gebhardt embraced it.



To: TigerPaw who wrote (4832)10/4/2002 2:15:47 PM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 15516
 
A radical rethink of international relations

" The National Security Strategy statement is thus a
radical document, whether Condoleezza Rice,
reputedly its main author, understands this or
not.
There was another declaration of this kind,
made 154 years ago: the Communist Manifesto"

William Pfaff International Herald Tribune, Los Angeles

Times Syndicate International
Thursday, October 3, 2002

iht.com

National Security Strategy

PARIS The new U.S. National Security Strategy
document, issued on Sept. 20, is an implicit
American denunciation of the modern state order
that has governed international relations since the
Westphalian Settlement of 1648.

That agreement, which ended the Thirty Years'
War, recognized the absolute sovereignty and legal
equality of states as the basis of international
order. These principles of sovereignty and equality
have been generally recognized ever since, if often
in the breach. The consensus among governments
and jurists has been that without acknowledging
national sovereignty as the foundation of law, the
world risked anarchic power struggles.

The National Security Strategy statement is thus a
radical document, whether Condoleezza Rice,
reputedly its main author,
understands this or
not. There was another declaration of this kind,
made 154 years ago: the Communist Manifesto. It
denounced the existing international order of
monarchies and "bourgeois" republics in the name
of a new and superior legitimacy, that of the
proletariat. It claimed this to be a universal and
liberating legitimacy.

After the Russian Revolution,
the new Soviet
Union set out to put this new principle into
practice in its relations with other governments. It
declared all other governments illegitimate. This is
why Soviet policy so disturbed the international
order.
Its claim was absolute and, in principle,
nonnegotiable. Karl Marx's "scientific"
interpretation of historical processes - the
intellectual foundation of Communism - claimed
that history is driven by the struggle of classes,
and that only workers' states were ultimately
legitimate, since the industrial worker embodied
the productive forces of modern industrial society.

There was only one workers' state, Bolshevik
Russia. All governments except the Soviet Union's
usurped power that history had determined
should belong to the proletariat. Therefore, those
other governments sooner or later had to be
replaced. Now the United States has stated that it
will no longer respect the principle of absolute
state sovereignty. It does not do so by substituting
a new universalist and allegedly liberating
principle, but to achieve American national
security, to which it implicitly subordinates the
security of every other nation.


It says that if the U.S. government unilaterally
determines that a state is a future threat to
America, or that it harbors a group considered a
potential threat, the United States will
preemptively intervene in that state to eliminate
the threat, if necessary by accomplishing "regime
change."

We already have been given an initial list of such
states: those of the "axis of evil."


The administration says it is simple "common
sense" to preempt threats. It would seem common
sense to agree, if it were not for the principle of
the thing. This initiative is meant to supersede the
existing principle of international legitimacy.

International law is not "law" at all.
It is a system
of treaties, conventions, precedents and other
commitments over many years by which
governments have attempted to limit war, keep the
peace and adjudicate their conflicting claims and
interests to their mutual advantage and security.

It is not law because no authority issues it. No one
enforces it, other than through cooperative action
among nations.
The United States has, during its
two and a quarter centuries of existence,
been one
of the nations most active in building up the
structure of international law that the Bush
administration now is engaged in knocking down.
The Charter of the United Nations is one of the
principal existing agreements making up
international law and was drafted largely by the
United States.
The "threat or use of force against
the territorial integrity or political independence
of any state" is outlawed by the charter, and
"preemptive" war was specifically treated as a war
crime at the Nuremberg trials.


One can say that the most powerful states have
always made the rules. The United States has
intervened in small countries many times.
However, in the past Washington always claimed
some form of legal justification. It acknowledged
the principles of sovereignty and nonintervention.


Now it jettisons those principles, substituting the
claim that its own perceived national security
interest overrides all. It also asserts its intention,
and its right, by virtue of its own rectitude, to
military domination of the world.
This all is very
dramatic. It would be better if Congress did not
simply take it as decided. It needs debate, as its
consequences may in the longer run prove
unpleasant.

International Herald Tribune Los Angeles Times
Syndicate International

iht.com