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Non-Tech : The Enron Scandal - Unmoderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Raymond Duray who wrote (2515)10/5/2002 6:43:26 AM
From: average joe  Respond to of 3602
 
usatoday.com



To: Raymond Duray who wrote (2515)10/7/2002 8:49:30 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 3602
 
Senate Report Faults SEC in Enron Debacle

Business: Committee says the securities agency should have caught corporate financial abuses early, before they led to calamity.

By RICHARD SIMON and WALTER HAMILTON
LOS ANGELES TIMES STAFF WRITERS
October 7, 2002

WASHINGTON -- A Senate panel investigating Enron Corp.'s collapse said the Securities and Exchange Commission missed early signs of financial abuses at the energy giant, raising questions about whether the agency is "effectively functioning as the lead market watchdog that it is meant to be."

The probe by the Governmental Affairs Committee, led by Sen. Joseph I. Lieberman (D-Conn.), found a "systemic and catastrophic failure" by those charged with protecting investors—including stock analysts, credit rating firms and the SEC, according to the committee's report, which is to be released today.

Some of the harshest criticism was directed at the SEC, whose chairman, Harvey L. Pitt, has been accused of not being aggressive enough in rooting out corporate wrongdoing—although many of the shortcomings highlighted in the committee's report date to before Pitt took over as chairman in August 2001.

"The SEC, with its relatively small staff, does not, and is not set up to, directly perform many of the tasks necessary to root out corporate fraud," the report said. In a list of suggested reforms, the report recommended that the agency dramatically upgrade its oversight of corporate finances, possibly including performing random corporate audits.

Enron's financial collapse and filing for bankruptcy, which followed disclosures that it used off-the-books partnerships to hide debt, spawned a frenzy of congressional hearings, contributed to passage of sweeping accounting reforms and led last week to the arrest of Andrew S. Fastow, the company's former chief financial officer, on charges of fraud.

Enron also faces two probes by federal grand juries: one in Houston, where it is headquartered, that is looking into the company's collapse; and another, out of San Francisco, that is investigating the role played by Enron and other electricity marketers in the California energy crisis.

The Senate committee investigation focused on whether the government and private-sector watchdogs could have done more to prevent Enron's collapse and the loss of billions of dollars by its investors, including Enron employees who held company stock in their retirement plans.

The Enron case suggests that the SEC's passive approach to regulation "likely led it to miss warning signs of corporate misconduct," the committee concluded.

Specifically, the committee berated the SEC for failing to review any of Enron's post-1997 financial filings. As a result, the agency "missed its best opportunity to focus on the red flags in those documents, such as the opaque and questionable references to transactions with entities run by the company's own chief financial officer," the report said.

In addition, the committee faulted the SEC for not following up on changes in Enron's accounting methods in 1992, saying that failure deprived the commission of an early opportunity to uncover financial abuses.

The committee also said the SEC's "lackadaisical" approach in the handling of an Enron request in April 2000 for an exemption from the Public Utility Holding Company Act "may have opened yet another door to Enron improprieties." The agency's failure to work with the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission allowed Enron to receive "certain regulatory and economic benefits" for some of its wind energy projects from FERC, the report said.

The committee plans to hold a hearing this month on FERC's dealings with Enron.

Pitt said Sunday that his agency would "carefully consider the report's conclusions."

"Working together with the Congress and other governmental representatives," Pitt said in a statement, "we are well underway toward taking and completing the tasks necessary to restore investor confidence."

Although the committee acknowledged the SEC's more aggressive post-Enron efforts to enforce securities laws, the report said the commission has been "less than proactive in attempting to address fraud at an earlier stage, before it becomes a corporate calamity."

The committee's report may help to put public attention back on corporate scandals, which have been overshadowed in recent weeks by the debate over Iraq. Democrats hope to use the issue against Republicans in the November election.

"This is clearly a part of the Democratic effort to reintroduce the corporate scandal issue during the critical, final month of the campaign," said Larry Sabato, a University of Virginia political scientist.

However, Sen. Fred Thompson (R-Tenn.), the committee's top Republican, joined Lieberman in sending a letter along with the report to Pitt urging him to implement a number of reforms.

Among its recommendations, the committee said the SEC should review corporate financial reports more frequently and must look aggressively for signs of fraud.

In a potentially controversial suggestion, the committee said the agency should consider random audits of companies, just as the Internal Revenue Service scrutinizes selected taxpayers. If pursued, that idea probably would raise the hackles of corporate America. It also could require significantly expanding the SEC's staff, the report said.

The agency also should make far better use of technology to sift data for hints of financial misconduct, the committee said.

The SEC already has taken steps to boost its monitoring of companies—for instance, it announced late last year that it would review the annual reports of the 500 largest U.S. companies. And recent legislation requires the agency to review corporate financial filings more often.

The committee report also criticized Wall Street stock analysts and credit rating firms for failing to detect Enron's problems earlier. Analysts, in particular, have been accused of acting as company cheerleaders rather than independent evaluators, and the SEC passed toughened stock-analyst rules this summer. In addition, the New York Stock Exchange and NASD (formerly known as the National Assn. of Securities Dealers) proposed a second set of regulations last week.

The committee recommended that the SEC require a complete separation of stock analysis and investment banking at brokerage firms to eliminate conflicts of interest.

The report said the major credit rating firms "displayed a disappointing lack of diligence" in monitoring Enron's financial dealings. Rather than aggressively dissecting the company's books, the agencies "generally just accepted at face value what they were told by Enron officials," the report said.

The rating companies should themselves be monitored more closely to make sure they adequately scrutinize companies, the report said, and the SEC should set uniform standards for credit raters to follow when evaluating a firm's credit worthiness.

A spokeswoman for Moody's Investors Service, one of the three major credit rating firms, said Sunday that "like all market participants, we were given misleading, inaccurate and fraudulent information by Enron."

The two other leading firms, Standard & Poor's Corp. and Fitch Ratings, could not be reached for comment.
_______________________________________________________

Simon reported from Washington, Hamilton from New York.

latimes.com



To: Raymond Duray who wrote (2515)10/10/2002 11:49:35 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 3602
 
Bush is accused of 'using Enron ploys'

From James Doran in New York

A HARVARD UNIVERSITY watchdog accused President George W. Bush yesterday of colluding with university investors to hide financial troubles at the oil company where he was a director before his election to the White House. The group alleged that it was the kind of accounting procedures that Enron had employed.

Mr Bush, a director of Harken Energy from 1986 until 1993, allegedly approved a complex partnership with Harvard University into which millions of dollars worth of Harken debt and loss-making assets were poured into in 1990.

The accusation was made by HarvardWatch, an independent group that scrutinises the university’s investments, which are drawn from its $15 billion endowment fund. The watchdog released copies of Harken board minutes from 1990 at which Mr Bush, acting as a senior director, signalled that Harken should pursue a partnership with Harvard.

Harvard Management Company, which controls the school’s endowment, was the biggest shareholder in Harken in 1990 when the deal, called the Harken Anadarko Partnership (HAP), was struck. Then Harken revealed a loss of $23 million and its shares plunged. But in November that year Harken transferred some $36 million of debt and loss making assets to the partnership.

The partnership was set up in such a way it was kept off the Harken balance sheet. After the transfer of debts to HAP, Harken’s shares rose.

HarvardWatch said: “HAP bears a striking resemblance to the partnerships Bush has condemned at Enron: it was controlled by and transparent only to Harken insiders and was likely used to artificially brighten the company’s business prospects.”

Enron, which collapsed last year, hid debts in offshore partnerships that were kept off the balance sheet so they would not show up in the accounts.

The White House said the HAP deal was in no way illegal and the comparison with Enron was invalid.

timesonline.co.uk



To: Raymond Duray who wrote (2515)10/13/2002 5:37:49 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 3602
 
Mr. Bush the Reformer?

Lead Editorial
The Washington Post
Sunday, October 13, 2002

BACK IN JULY, President Bush signed the post-Enron reform bill put together by Sen. Paul S. Sarbanes (D-Md.) and sought to share the credit for what he called "the most far-reaching reforms of American business practices since the time of Franklin Delano Roosevelt." In a ceremony at the White House, the president declared that "the era of low standards and false profits is over" and that "no boardroom in America is above or beyond the law." Harvey L. Pitt, Mr. Bush's chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission, rightly summed up the challenge presented by the law's enactment. "Now we have to implement it," Mr. Pitt said. "We've got our hands full."

The events of the past two weeks raise serious questions about whether Mr. Pitt and the president really meant what they said. The single biggest test of the law's implementation -- the selection of a credible chairman for the new audit oversight board -- is being inexplicably mishandled. Having asked a good candidate whether he would accept the job, and having encouraged him to leave his existing job early in order to make himself available, Mr. Pitt is backing away from him, apparently as a result of pressure from the audit lobby. Mr. Bush, who could stiffen Mr. Pitt's resolve by threatening to designate a different SEC commissioner as chairman, has apparently forgotten his reformist promises of three months ago.

The good candidate is John H. Biggs, the head of a large retirement fund and a long-standing advocate of honest accounting. Mr. Biggs meets each of the three qualifications for the job laid down in the reform law. He has a demonstrated commitment to the interests of investors, having run investments on behalf of pensioners and campaigned energetically for reforms of corporate governance. He has a strong grasp of accounting, having served as a trustee of the Financial Accounting Standards Board, which writes accounting rules, as well as of the FASB's international counterpart. And he understands auditing, having been a member of the Public Oversight Board that used to oversee the profession. One could not ask for a better candidate, which is presumably why Mr. Pitt initially approached him.

Nobody -- not Mr. Pitt, not the White House, not even the lobbyists -- has made a public case against Mr. Biggs. Some have objected that his likely selection was leaked ahead of time to the media, but this isn't Mr. Biggs's fault (all the board members of his pension fund had to be told why he was leaving early), and it's a trivial reason to oppose the appointment of a man who is good on the merits. Others have objected that, since doubts arose about Mr. Biggs's candidacy, his supporters in Congress have protested, rendering the appointment "political." But Mr. Biggs was asked if he wanted the job because of his track record, and that was long before the process became public and contentious. It was politics -- in the form of pressure from lobbies acting through Congress and perhaps even the White House -- that caused Mr. Biggs's appointment to be held up.

If Mr. Biggs does not get the job, there will be two kinds of damage. The most qualified candidate will have been passed over, depriving the new watchdog of a strong leader. Even worse, the lobbyists will have demonstrated their sway over the watchdog, undermining its credibility before it is even set up. If Mr. Biggs is pushed aside, what other credible candidate will want a job that's controlled by the industry it is supposed to stand watch over? If Mr. Pitt or Mr. Bush has an answer to this question, we would be interested to hear it.

© 2002 The Washington Post Company

washingtonpost.com



To: Raymond Duray who wrote (2515)11/12/2002 3:35:21 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 3602
 
Unlock the Enron Vault

Editorial
Los Angeles Times
Monday, 11 November, 2002

The civil trial of Enron has sent motions flying around the courtroom, including one by the corporation to keep documents describing its scandal-ridden collapse locked in a vault. That makes about as much sense as Lewis Carroll writing that Alice fell into a rabbit's hole and then refusing to tell readers what happened when she bumped into the Cheshire Cat, Mad Hatter and Queen of Hearts.

Employees and investors have a right to know what happened after their time, money and trust were sucked into the black hole created by Enron's implosion. So do Enron business partners and competitors burned by the corporate scandal, not to mention public policy makers and historians. Journalists too would benefit from studying the estimated 20 million pages of documents that a shareholder lawsuit is expected to generate.

The paper trail would provide needed insight into how the fifth-largest company on the Fortune 500 tumbled into the second-largest corporate bankruptcy in U.S. history. It's a tale bound to be as compelling and surreal as Alice's journey. But it won't be told if Enron executives get their way and a U.S. district judge in Houston agrees to keep the company's documents under lock.

Enron insiders profited from the secrecy that shrouded their actions from shareholders and regulators. The resulting scandal sparked an unprecedented crisis of confidence in public financial markets. Now it's time for Enron's past business dealings to be exposed. It's anyone's guess as to what will be uncovered -- perhaps a hookah-smoking accountant ginning up false profits?

Investors, with support from several media organizations, are asking the federal judge to permit shareholders' attorneys to release many of the Enron documents to the public. The University of California, which lost $144.9 million on Enron investments, is acting as lead plaintiff in the lawsuit filed by investors who together lost more than $25 billion in Enron stocks and bonds.

Investors want the court to let their attorneys determine which documents are open to public scrutiny. The exceptions would be information that a judge agrees Enron has a right to keep private for narrow proprietary or confidentiality reasons.

Enron is lobbying to have all the documents dumped into a windowless vault. Plaintiffs would be forced to argue for the release of individual pieces of paper. Even curiouser, the company argues that disseminating documents would subject defendants "to further annoyance, embarrassment and oppression" -- even though many of these documents already have been released to government agencies delving into Enron's meltdown.

Enron's penchant for secrecy has already burned the public badly. The judge should side with investors, the public, policymakers and others who would benefit from bringing Enron's inner workings to light



To: Raymond Duray who wrote (2515)11/19/2002 11:59:10 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 3602
 
Documents Reveal Enron's Clout on Energy Agenda

The Memos Show Behind-The-Scenes Maneuvering on Major Policy Debates
By Ricardo Alonso-Zaldivar
Los Angeles Times
Wednesday, 13 November, 2002

In its highflying days, Enron Corp. sought to guide the new Bush administration toward a sweeping energy agenda, ranging from creating a national electricity grid to opposing protection of domestic steel products, according to documents made public Tuesday by congressional investigators.

Memos released during an oversight hearing by the Senate Governmental Affairs Committee show that in 2001 Enron lobbied the White House for the appointment of two top energy regulators and fretted that the Bush administration was losing the energy policy battle to Democratic critics.

"The Democrats so far seem to be winning the political high ground," said an Enron briefing paper for Kenneth L. Lay, the company's chairman, in advance of an April 17, 2001, meeting with Vice President Dick Cheney. "What the Bush team needs to do is steal a page from the Clinton new economy playbook and to relegate the Democrats to the Carter 'eat your peas' playbook."

The White House must link the Democrats to "blackouts, waste, Luddites, regulation, government ownership, stagnation" while positioning Bush as the agent of "abundan[ce], efficiency, new economy, innovation, open markets," the document said.

Democrats said the documents showed how Enron wielded its clout -- by, among other things, backing specific nominees to the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission and meeting with high administration officials on energy policy -- before collapsing into bankruptcy protection in December in a wave of accounting scandals. Republicans pointed out that Enron also enjoyed access to high-level appointees in Bill Clinton's administration.

The documents provide a glimpse at the behind-the-scenes maneuvering on major policy debates.

Lay, now a pariah in business and political circles, was then on a first-name basis with powerful administration figures.

"Congratulations on the speed with which you, Dick and others have been able to place high-quality individuals in every cabinet post," he faxed Bush transition team director Clay Johnson on Jan. 8, 2001, after Bush's cabinet picks had been announced. The "Dick" referred to was Cheney, and Lay signed his note "Ken."

Enron's efforts, however, did not always lead to the desired results.

Its two candidates for the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission -- Patrick H. Wood III and Nora Brownell -- were approved, despite some strong competition. But in the summer of 2001, Wood and Brownell voted for energy price limits in the West, a policy opposed by Enron. Wood is now FERC chairman.

While limits on soaring prices in the West took up much public debate during 2001, the documents show that Enron focused on an insider's issue: the creation of a national electricity transmission grid. It coined an egalitarian term for the issue: "open access."

A national grid would have radically shifted the fortunes of some of the biggest players in the electricity industry. Old-fashioned utility companies that still control much of the regional transmission infrastructure would have seen their influence diminish, while the new breed of energy marketers epitomized by Enron would have seen their ascendancy confirmed.

To Enron's chagrin, administration officials were treading cautiously.

"For the purposes of this meeting, we strongly recommend that most of the discussion center on our core concern: open access," Enron's Washington lobbyists wrote Lay before his meeting with Cheney.

The company also retained Ed Gillespie, a top GOP political and policy consultant, to lobby the White House.

"It is not clear that [administration officials] are fully committed to our open access issues," Enron lobbyist Linda Robertson wrote Lay. "Their lack of zeal for open access, while totally unacceptable, is understandable given that the West Coast power crisis has presented the administration with difficult and unique political issues."

In the end, Bush's energy plan did endorse the concept of a national grid but left it to FERC and Congress to work out the details.

FERC, an independent agency that functions like a national utilities commission, has since unveiled a proposal for such a grid. But it has been sharply criticized by elected officials, state regulators and utilities in the West and the South, and it appears far from becoming official policy.

The documents show that in the spring of 2001, Enron's lobbyists correctly forecast that the administration would eventually accept price limits on electricity in the West.

White House energy advisor Andrew Lundquist "stated he is getting pressure from both Democrat and Republican members of Congress about price caps in the West," Enron's Washington lobbyists reported to Lay. This was interpreted as "a warning that price caps might be inevitable."

Although opposed to price caps, Enron believed that a more visible role for federal regulators might calm public concerns and allow for more far-reaching changes in the industry.

"More aggressive action by the FERC on both market power issues and pricing issues would give the administration enormous political cover and would allow them to redefine the debate," the Enron lobbyists wrote.

White House officials have said that though they consulted with Enron, the company received no special favors.

truthout.org



To: Raymond Duray who wrote (2515)11/23/2002 4:28:39 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 3602
 
A Silver Spoon Is Gouging Unions

By Robert Scheer
Columnist
The Los Angeles Times
November 19, 2002

President Bush, a scion of great wealth who has never had to earn an honest living, has abruptly wiped out the job and retirement security of 850,000 blue- and white-collar federal workers. Always bailed out of losing business ventures by his daddy or a family friend, Bush apparently finds it easy to play games with the livelihood of ordinary Americans as a way of punishing unions that opposed him at election time.

The move to privatize half of the federal civilian jobs is shortsighted, with negative consequences likely for the economy and democracy and potentially for national security.

It's politics and not policy as the administration launches yet another partisan strike at its opponents, this time in the form of a presidential edict that takes effect in 30 days, without being debated by Congress.

Government civil service has been a central mechanism for ensuring the growth of a stable middle class, a cornerstone of a stable democracy. And it is this middle class that drives the strong, steady consumerism that economists have cited as the key to why the sputtering economy has not snowballed into something worse. Yet to compensate for sinking the national budget deep into the red by his throwing money at the upper class through regressive tax cuts and defense contractors with boondoggles pushed through in a post-9/11 haze, Bush wants to cut the income and benefits of nearly a million civil servants.

While the jobs affected range from military logistics experts to computer programmers, working-class jobs at the lower end are especially targeted. Entry-level government jobs are frequently the basis of a family's ascension to a life of dignity and opportunity. When we note that high-ranking civilian officials will not see pay cuts but instead hope to see political gains, it becomes clearer how fitting this edict is for an administration run by ex-CEOs.

Workers holding secure jobs that provide a living wage can and will be replaced by low-paid crews without benefits because that is the only way to get the big "savings" Bush is after. But is it really better for the nation if the president's house is painted by men and women hired from a street-corner hiring hall at minimum wage? What if subcontractors use foreign or undocumented labor? And will it be easier for terrorists to infiltrate the government?

This is especially galling, although not surprising, coming from an administration run by veterans of rip-off companies like Enron, the vanguard of an unchecked pandemic of greed that has wiped out so many pension funds and jobs. Now the ax will again fall on the middle class, in the form of elimination of jobs in which wages and working conditions are guaranteed by enlightened social legislation rather than the vagaries of a spot labor market.

This "race-to-the-bottom" budget gimmick is as phony as it is repugnant. Low-paid workers without medical benefits will pay less in taxes, spend less at the mall and clog emergency rooms when their children have strep throat. And without unions to monitor workplace safety and environmental regulations, the economy will suffer as more sick and injured workers become a drain on productivity.

So why would the White House pursue such a policy? Simply put, the Bushies hate unions because they are the steadiest opponents of corporate consolidation, the transfer of jobs overseas and the thievery of greedy accountants and CEOs. In other words, strong unions are still anathema on the corporate gravy train that fattened Bush, Dick Cheney and a historic number of fellow administration honchos.

The mostly stable prosperity of the post-Depression era is not an automatic byproduct of the free market. It must be credited in large part to smart government regulation and the work of strong unions that protect consumers and workers.

For Bush now to launch a full-scale attack on the gains of the labor movement is to subvert the foundations of the American dream.

latimes.com