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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: GST who wrote (50763)10/10/2002 9:26:48 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 281500
 
Thousands march against war

Candlelight vigil, procession again fill Seattle streets
By CANDACE HECKMAN AND CHRIS McGANN
SEATTLE POST-INTELLIGENCER REPORTERS
Thursday, October 10, 2002
seattlepi.nwsource.com

Thousands of anti-war demonstrators took to the streets of Seattle last night -- the second time in less than a week -- pounding the pavement in the hope that options for a peaceful resolution in Iraq aren't drowned out by the rising drumbeat for war.

The candlelight vigil and procession from downtown Seattle to St. Mark's Cathedral on Capitol Hill was called for by the Church Council of Greater Seattle, which wanted to duplicate the march it sponsored on the eve of the Persian Gulf War in 1991.

Crowd estimates then ranged from 12,000 to 30,000. It was considered the largest such anti-war protest in the country.

More than 3,000 people marched up Broadway last night, forming a five-block procession that filled the street.

The marchers -- from many races and religions -- walked toward St. Mark's with their candles burning. Some came in blue jeans and others in business suits. There were a few songs and a pounding drum. But mostly they walked quietly.

Many carried signs that read "No Iraq War." Nathan Lewis of Seattle carried a recruiting poster he downloaded from a Web site. It showed Osama bin Laden pointing and saying, "I want you to invade Iraq."

Warren Jones of North Seattle had a homemade sign: "I love my country. I fear my government."

"I can think of nothing better to recruit terrorists around the world than an attack on Iraq," he said.

As the marchers crossed over Interstate 5 on Madison Street, freeway drivers honked a chorus of a supportive horns.

Nearby, the march stalled traffic at Boren and Madison. It kept Chris Causey of Tacoma waiting, but he didn't care.

"I'm definitely against the whole movement toward war," he said after he got out of his truck to show support for the marchers.

Along the way, others fell into line.

Anne Brewer had come to Broadway carrying white candles in her purse.

"I'm just going to be with the others. I like silent marches because they are so powerful," said Brewer, a 20-year resident of Capitol Hill. She took part in the huge march 11 years ago and felt compelled to walk again last night, even though she fears war is inevitable.

"I am frightened for all of us because our civil rights are being jeopardized. There is no reason for this that I've found. It will be a terrible mistake," she said.

At Broadway and Pine Street, dozen of people waited for the marchers to arrive.

Scott Morrison of Seattle carried his 22-month-old son, Finn, on his shoulders and pushed his 8-week-old son, Olaf, in a stroller as he joined the march.

"I don't like the precedent that this would set," he said of a war on Saddam Hussein. "There are a lot of other bad dictators in the world."

Tami Thomas of Woodinville and John McLaren of Seattle showed up feeling a little bit hopeless, given that opinion polls show many support President Bush's Iraq policy.

But McLaren said there seemed to be what he called cognitive dissonance. "Everybody I talked to is against this bombing. I don't know where they get that number" of support for the war.

Thomas was on Broadway "hoping it makes it somewhat obvious that there are people who oppose this war."

She added: "I'd like people from other countries to see that all Americans aren't the bullies that the American government is."

The rally began with brief services at the First United Methodist Church. At least 1,200 people filled the pews of both floors of the sanctuary, and others stood. Outside, crowds listened via loudspeakers.

Mention of U.S. Rep. Jim McDermott, the Seattle Democrat who has become a controversial opponent of a war, brought the crowd to its feet. So did the news that U.S. Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash., announced yesterday that she will oppose a resolution that would give war powers to the president.

The Rev. Rich Gamble of Keystone United Church of Christ in Seattle told the crowd about his visit to Iraq earlier this year. The faces of the people, he said, stay with him.

People there treated him with respect, he said, adding that they knew the difference between a country's rulers and its people. "Unfortunately," he said, "we, too, are learning to live in a country ruled by people unresponsive to our wishes."

Ali-Salaam, imam of the Sea-Tac Masjid Mosque and Islamic Center of Washington, urged people to "take back their synagogues, take back their churches and take back the mosques" from those practicing fundamentalist and intolerant religion.

A children's choir sang "We Are the Children of Peace" in both English and Arabic at First United Methodist. Those in the pews began to join the children in the chorus:

"We don't want war anymore. We are the children of the world."

The past year has not been easy for Seattle peace activists trying to maintain the city's war-protest reputation, especially under the president's "you are either with us or against us" rallying cry for the invasion of Afghanistan.

More show up at every new event, though. Authorities in Washington, D.C., and San Francisco are preparing for mass demonstrations planned for Oct. 26 in those cities.

A majority of American adults, 53 percent, support an invasion of Iraq, according to the latest CNN-USA Today-Gallup Poll conducted last week. But those numbers have been in steady decline since last November when support peaked at 74 percent.

Marc Grossberg, 54, of Seattle, said it felt good last night to be surrounded by what appears to be the minority.

"There are a lot of people with similar feelings and this helps draw them all together," he said.

The first people to St. Mark's Cathedral filtered in singing hymns it seemed they had long ago committed to memory -- "We shall overcome . . . we shall work for peace" -- until the pews and chairs were full and the mass spilled out onto the lawn.

"Now we've walked and been counted by someone in a helicopter," said the Rev. Pete Strimer, canon missioner at the cathedral, "and tomorrow we will be underestimated."

Strimer then returned to the earnest message that those who marched had carried with them through the streets of Seattle. He encouraged them to make the vigil just the beginning of their anti-war activism.

"There will be days of action from this moment until the war is stopped," Strimer said.

P-I reporter Candace Heckman can be reached at 206-448-8348 or candaceheckman@seattlepi.com



To: GST who wrote (50763)10/10/2002 9:38:40 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
Asia's conflicting reaction to the U.S.-Iraq standoff

By Tom Plate
Syndicated columnist
The Seattle Times
Thursday, October 10, 2002 - 12:00 a.m. Pacific
seattletimes.nwsource.com


LOS ANGELES — In the Asia-Pacific region, there is no uniform view on the Iraq issue.

Many support the Bush administration, while hoping that somehow the war cloud will pass. Only a few are speaking up loudly. From Australia, plain-spoken Prime Minister John Howard is supportive and hopes for the best, while Malaysia's Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, the warning voice of moderate Islam, fears for the worst.

The recently re-elected Howard, short on eloquence but often long on solid judgment, supports President Bush's instinct about Saddam Hussein, despite polls showing that his countrymen overwhelmingly oppose pledging Australian forces against Saddam Hussein without a clear U.N. resolution and wide international support.

But Howard is pro-military action regardless of any resolution. Saddam, he argues, would never have agreed to a resumption of U.N. weapons-site inspections (as flawed as these procedures may be) in the absence of the threat of unilateral U.S.-British military action. Howard supports Washington whether its current aggressive posture is all bluff or serious determination.

In a forthright speech last week in Sydney, the conservative prime minister took the view that the core principle of national security could justify, if necessary, the Bush administration's predilection for unilateral preemption. America could invoke national security because terrorists have "introduced into world security considerations a new hitherto unimaginable dimension."

It's a solid point. And had Howard left it at that, he might have emerged massively influential in the global debate. After all, Australia earned widespread international respect with its successful peacekeeping deployment in troubled East Timor. Alas, he chose instead, in his remarks before the Australian Chamber of Commerce, to becloud, if not befoul, his position when he added that, whatever the pros and cons of an Iraqi attack, Australia needed to support the Americans and the British because of their similar values and "similar ... view of life."

That sounded racist — and it was most unfortunate. Consider that all the targets now under consideration by the West — the terrorists, Iraq, Iran — are Muslim. What Howard in effect did was to invoke the us-against-them, white-against-nonwhite, Western vs. Islamic showdown that makes one shiver.

That's precisely the persistent worry of another prominent prime minister who has repeatedly warned about this. Says Malaysia's Mahathir, whose country has been recently put on the West's terrorism "watch list," the United States could win the battle against Baghdad but lose the more important campaign to build strategic alliances in the Islamic world. He is less worried about Bush's policy toward Iraq — this moderate Islamic leader is certainly no friend of Saddam, either — than about the core attitudes in the West regarding the Muslim world.

Mahathir drew a large — possibly overblown — lesson from a recent personal experience at Los Angeles International Airport. Before a flight to New York last month for the fall U.N. General Assembly session, he and his deputy were subjected to rude treatment by airport security officials. His deputy prime minister was even ordered to take off his shoes and belt.

Mahathir, 74, read much into the incident: "They can check if they want to, but there is no need to be harsh ... I am not a terrorist."

For the outspoken Malaysian — as colorful as Howard is colorless, as critical of the West as Howard is solidly pro-American — the experience reinforced his sense that the war on Iraq and terrorism will evolve into an anti-Islamic crusade, even if the American, British and now Australian governments intend nothing of the sort. Mahathir's point is that if even a Muslim head of state cannot be treated civilly by the West, or while in the West, what of other Muslims?

Howard vs. Mahathir: Who's correct?

The answer may be that both will be proven right: that the United States will be rightfully acting within its national interest even if it attacks Iraq without a U.N. Security Council blessing; but that the net result will create a monumental wave of anti-Americanism throughout the Muslim world. If so, the impending Western assault on Iraq will launch a war with no real winners — and Saddam could win for losing. Who wants that?

__________________________________________________

Tom Plate is a UCLA professor and founder of the Asia Pacific Media Network (www.asiamedia.ucla.edu). His column appears regularly on editorial pages of The Times.



To: GST who wrote (50763)10/10/2002 4:25:11 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
Why "Trade, Not Aid" Isn't Enough

BusinessWeek Online
Thursday October 10, 2:31 pm ET

Jeffrey Sachs gained world fame in the 1980s and '90s advising the governments of such countries as Bolivia, Poland, and Russia to implement economic shock therapy. These days, Sachs is better known as one of the world's most influential theorists on the causes and remedies for extreme poverty. As a consultant to the U.N. Development Program, he has undertaken ambitious studies to identify the root causes of such problems as disease epidemics and what must be done to address them. He just moved to New York to head the Earth Institute at Columbia University.

In a wide-ranging conversation with BusinessWeek editors, Sachs recently reflected on the evolution of his thinking on globalization, how to solve the challenges facing poor nations, and what the industrialized world should to help. Following are edited excerpts of that conversation:

Q: Please explain your current work on poverty.

A: I was asked by the U.N. Secretary General [Kofi Annan] to become a special adviser to help elaborate a strategy for actually achieving the Millennium Goals on global poverty and development.... He asked me to work with the head of the U.N. Development Program, Mark Malloch Brown, to organize a comprehensive strategy for achieving eight goals [the first is eliminating economic poverty and hunger] and 18 targets.

These eight goals are...are pretty ambitious, and we have failed to meet all of them in the past.... My intention is to try to [get them to be taken seriously]. Part of this is trying to work out the costs. I'm a big believer that it will take quite a lot of money from the rich countries to make this all work. That isn't a message that many in the U.S. like to hear.

Q: Why do you think support will be more serious now?

A: I think we're at a turning point in the globalization debate. There was an...ideological belief for about 20 years that, wherever you are, if you just do the right thing, things will get good for you.... The saying was, "Trade, not aid." [The thinking was] "We don't really have to do much more beyond sending IMF and World Bank missions to help you privatize your sugar factory or dismantle your marketing board."

That idea is probably correct for about two-thirds of the world -- but grossly inadequate for about one-fifth of the world. We have come to realize there are 1 billion to 2 billion people in the world that aren't going to naturally make it on their own.

There are enough foreign-policy reasons in this country, and enough pressures in the world, to actually make this work. If you can get some better analysis, we can probably get something done, if you push hard and in the right places.

Q: What do you say to skeptics who argue that this will never work? They point out that we've poured many billions into developing nations for five decades and set all of these goals before.

A: There always is a battle between the optimists and the pessimists.

I'm banking on one fundamental thing: that the next few years will be different from the past 20 years. That we have turned the corner on the structural-adjustment era, which was: "We're not going to give you any help. You have to repay those debts. And by the way, the next IMF mission is coming next week. And that's how you're going to get out of this." That went on for 20 years and didn't do any good. Almost everyone now acknowledges there has to be a new approach, and I think we are putting that approach into place. Q: The U.S. has had a lot of poverty, too. Why not assume these countries will grow out of it?

A: We don't have poverty that kills, with people dying because they can't get a $1 dose of quinine on time. The life expectancy of sub-Saharan Africa is dropping quite dramatically. You have mass malnutrition and stunting. You have wasting, pandemic disease.... You do not find that kind of poverty in any of the rich countries.... What we have is relative poverty.

Second, by and large the countries that have gotten out of absolute poverty have had some advantages that the ones that haven't gotten out lacked.... [The really difficult places are] Central Asia, the Andean Plateau, some of the highlands of Central America, tropical sub-Saharan Africa.

I guess I'm also saying -- which is very painful -- there will still be places where it will be damn hard to get development going.... It's very hard to say politically. I don't mean to write them off, but it's not an accident that Rwanda or Burundi are the toughest places in the world. Afghanistan isn't where it is because of the Soviets and the Taliban. The Soviets and the Taliban were there because Afghanistan was what it was.

Q: Why can't countries in these regions pull themselves out?

A: One characteristic of the historically poorer performers is they're farther away from the major markets, so they don't have market forces pulling them. So Mexico is better than Central America, and Central America is better than central South America. Central Asia does much worse than coastal Asia.

For a lot of the poorest places, I don't think we have an economic theory for getting a lot of growth going. I challenge anyone to debate me on how you are going to make Mongolia prosper. I've been there many times, and I haven't had a good idea yet. It's basically 1,500 kilometers away from big population centers and has a few million people.

Half of the people live in yurts. Their connectivity is low. They have no viable industry right now. They sell some camel hair but can't process it because they get a higher price by selling it to China, which processes it at much lower costs and gets it out of the ports cheaper than they can do by having a knitting factory in Ulan Bator. The real economic answer for Mongolians is to leave. But that's not the answer for Mongolia.

That's an extreme example. But let me put the positive side on that. No Mongolians need to die of extreme deprivation. Africans do not need to die of these pandemic diseases. Everyone should be able to have a basic education. But in some places, it can't all be paid for out of local resources. And my belief is that we ought to have a global system that enables a Burkina Faso or a Mongolia to have a shot at the future, rather than dying.

Q: What are the parts of Africa that can develop?

A: My lead candidates for development in Africa are the big coastal cities, like Dakar, Senegal, Abidjan in Cote d'Ivoire, Accra in Ghana, Dar es Salaam in Tanzania, Maputo in Mozambique, and Mombasa in Kenya. All of these cities have relatively low transportation costs. They have at least a million people. I'm quite clear in my mind about how you get these places going. You can have light manufacturing, an export-processing zone.

What's missing? Well first all, Dar es Salaam has a lot of malaria, so people don't like to set up factories there. Tanzania also has a lot of AIDS and major educational issues.... They faced bad advice from the World Bank and IMF, which told them not to set up export-processing zones.... They've had a major debt crisis.

Still, when you look at it, they are on the coast, they have a good harbor, shipping costs to Europe are not high. They are peaceful, they are democratic. There's nothing really intrinsically wrong. But there are obstacles that can be overcome.

Q: Wouldn't you agree that corruption is a major reason why these countries haven't gone anywhere?

A: That's too casual a metric. I would argue that corruption and talent have been pretty well distributed around the world through history, but the pockets of poverty are rather systemically distributed. There's a huge difference between being a corrupt country one day's shipping distance from a major market and a corrupt country 27 days shipping distance.

Q: You'd have to agree that some countries are so badly governed that you really can't do much for them.

A: There are some countries I wouldn't set foot in, like Liberia or Zimbabwe. But we don't have to take the very hardest cases. I don't tend to work in the worst places, because I don't like to get shot at, for one. Second, I don't really like dealing with thugs too much.

But there aren't really that many countries like that. There are [at least] 10 countries in Africa that are pretty well-governed but are desperate and dying. I like to deal with governments that are struggling to do something. But these countries don't get any more help than anyone else. So to me this governance argument doesn't ring true.... Botswana is a terrifically well-governed place. But it's a desert sitting on diamonds and still has a 40% AIDS prevalence.

We've gotten into a discourse about development that [says] "It's all their fault." And it's a lot more complicated than that.... We would have a lot more success if we helped some of these countries.

Q: Some people say digital technologies will solve the problem by bridging these geographical gaps.

A: If I am Burkina Faso and I want to be a technology center [and see tech] as the answer to my problems, that's very, very tough. You have to realize that in Africa, there's no fiber-optic cable that connects to the Internet backbone. It's all by satellite, and that's very expensive. Except for a new fiber-optic cable that was recently installed in South Africa, nobody has had the incentive to invest in one.

Q: Is the West now doing enough to help these countries?

A: Twenty-one years into the AIDS pandemic, the U.S. government so far has not paid for one human being in a developing country to get antiretroviral treatment. There are 28 million AIDS-infected people in Africa. These are cheap lives to save. But there are very few people on treatment. It's terribly frustrating. For the first time, we are just starting to organize a global fund to fight malaria.

Q: It certainly seems that U.S. Treasury Security Paul O'Neill has gotten more active since his trip to Africa in May. How would you rate his efforts?

A: In Africa, O'Neill went into a hospital and was shocked that mothers weren't getting treated. He let loose a gasket. I told him about that [situation] personally at least five times in the last year. Then he saw it with his own eyes.... It's really hard to look a human being who is dying in the eye when you know the pills are there. But so far, we still have not been able to get the money we need from the Office of Management & Budget.

We need $10 billion a year to solve AIDS, but so far donor countries have only offered the global fund $350 million over five years. The U.S. is the cheap member on the board.

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