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Politics : World Affairs Discussion -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Andy Thomas who wrote (2379)10/12/2002 4:24:26 AM
From: GUSTAVE JAEGER  Respond to of 3959
 
Re: that's tough to tell... for all we know, the swaggering, 'reflexively insult the goys,' 'jews' on these boards may in truth be white supremicists posting from idaho, and the likes of emile vidrine could be compiling lists on the behalf of the adl... that's what makes the internet at once so very fascinating and unreliable...

And that's where SI tech people could help: they should provide members with more data about their boards' overall traffic... I mean, a world map featuring the locations of the posters --that is, their IPs, routers, etc. And also data about "lurking" activity and... Ooops! I forgot I'm an anti-Big-Brother Anarchist... damn.

<G>us



To: Andy Thomas who wrote (2379)10/12/2002 4:40:58 AM
From: GUSTAVE JAEGER  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 3959
 
Re: ...and as for yourself and i and everyone else here... well it looks like we all have ringside seats....

Actually, if you live in the Wash DC area, you're sitting right in the ring....

Kikey-whipped America terrorized by her Israeli Frankenstein:

Man Slain at Virginia Gas Station
Fri Oct 11,11:54 PM ET

By DEBORAH HASTINGS, AP National Writer

FREDERICKSBURG, Va. (AP) -
A man filling up his car at a Virginia gas station was shot to death Friday in what may have been the most brazen attack yet by the Washington-area sniper, committed as a state trooper investigated an accident just across the street.

The trooper heard the shot and saw the victim fall. The gunman vanished into the gray drizzle.

"Obviously we're dealing with an individual who is extremely violent and doesn't care," Spotsylvania County Sheriff's Maj. Howard Smith said.

Authorities did not immediately confirm the shooting was the eighth slaying committed by the sniper over the past 10 days. But like the other attacks, witnesses described a single shot, fired apparently at random at someone going about his everyday activities. And three earlier attacks occurred at gas stations.

"The shooting certainly looks similar," said Montgomery County (Md.) Police Chief Charles Moose, who sent investigators to the scene.

Added Smith: "Any time we get a shooting right now we're going to treat it as if it is connected to this case until it's proven differently."

The Washington Post, in a story on its Web site Friday night, reported unidentified law enforcement sources said ballistic evidence linked Friday's shooting to the sniper.
[...]

story.news.yahoo.com

BTW, do you think that that guy, police chief Mooch is up to the task? I mean, they're officially chasing down an "angry white male" while all my data point to a blonde and a brunette (with a Haifa tan)....



To: Andy Thomas who wrote (2379)10/12/2002 6:38:36 AM
From: GUSTAVE JAEGER  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 3959
 
Re: now in case anyone might accuse me of being anti-semitic... that's a laugh... but given the apparent nature of some of those who make such accusations, perhaps it is really a kind of badge of honor...

A badge of honor?! LOL... Mellow out, Andy! Actually, anti-Semitism and Aliyah make up Israel's bait-and-switch policy to lure ever more Jews into the country. The best you can do for Israel if you're a Jew is to pack up and relocate in Israel, and the best you can do as a goy is to behave like an anti-Semitic foil. Israel's only pet peeves are the so-called "self-hating Jews", that is, those liberal Jews who are just fine living in Europe or elsewhere, and who dare criticize Israel's Judeofascist behavior....

Selling anti-Semitism

The "new anti-Semitism", whether real or imagined, is the only sales pitch Israel has that still works, writes Jonathan Cook

Hardly a day passes in Israel without another lengthy feature in the Hebrew press documenting the rapid reemergence of anti-Semitism in Europe, with France and Britain invariably singled out as the worst culprits. For many months Israel's liberal daily newspaper Haaretz has included a special compilation of reports on the "New Anti-Semitism" on its website.

Some commentators have pointed out that Israel's current preoccupation with anti-Semitism dangerously conflates two separate, and very different, trends: the first a harsher ideological climate in Europe towards Israel's military assault on the Palestinians; and the second a wave of attacks on synagogues and Jews, often committed by Muslim youths angry at what they see as Western indifference to this assault.

The blurring of one, legitimate criticism of Israeli actions, with the other, illegitimate retaliation against Jews, serves a useful purpose for Israel. It makes it difficult, at times nigh impossible, to give voice to the daily suffering of millions of Palestinians under occupation without invoking the label "anti-Semite" from a muscular Zionist lobby in Europe and the United States.

But is this the only benefit to Israel? The diet of "new anti-Semitism" stories is not offered only for the consumption of Israel's wavering Western allies; it is also being fed to a more easily swayed audience: European and American Jewry.

Endless talk about the ugly return of anti-Semitism is a powerful warning to the diaspora that the assumption that Jews now inhabit a safe environment in the West is mistaken. Europe in particular, it is implied, has barely moved on from the days of the Dreyfus affair in late nineteenth-century France, when the army all too readily convicted an officer of treason because he was Jewish.

No one stands to gain more from reviving the idea of the need for a Jewish homeland -- the "insurance policy for Jews" argument -- than Israel. It both stifles criticism from Jews unhappy with Israel's behaviour towards the Palestinians and, more importantly, it fuels the fears that drive Jewish migration.

Among Israelis it goes unquestioned that Jewish immigration, known as "aliyah" is still supremely important if Israel is to remain an ethnic Jewish state.

The consensus says that the Palestinians, aware that they cannot defeat the state militarily, are quietly trying to swamp it with Arab babies in a demographic "battle of wombs".

So prevalent is this view that a former air force commander, Eitan Ben Eliahu, went unchallenged recently in a national television debate when he commented: "We have to step up immigration immediately and in some way also thin out the number of Arabs here." He was simply restating arguments expressed with disturbing regularity in the Israeli government, including from within Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's Likud Party.

Last month the government even reestablished the Demography Council, disbanded several years ago after complaints it was a racist institution, to find ways to promote increased fertility among Jewish women. Israel, however, will be hard-pushed to win the numbers battle: the birth rate among the country's large Arab minority is several times that of the Jewish majority. Another tactic is required.

Sharon implicitly conceded this point early in his premiership when he called for one million Jews to migrate to Israel under the Law of Return. The problem is that the remaining Jewish communities outside Israel are by and large successful and comfortably integrated into their host countries. There is unlikely to be another exodus on the scale of the one from the Soviet Union in the early 1990s.

Which leaves Israel with a product it desperately needs to sell (aliyah) that few Jews want to buy. The "new anti- Semitism" is Israel's marketing strategy at its most aggressive.

But more worrying is evidence that, in the absence of "Jew hatred", Israel may be encouraging a climate of anti- Semitism to make its case to the diaspora more convincing.

Take, for example, the collapse of the Argentinian economy late last year. Israel immediately pulled out its cheque book and publicly declared that it wanted to help members of that country's large Jewish community rebuild their lives. But the money was not made available to them in Argentina; the $20,000 cheques could only be collected by Jews arriving to settle in Israel.

This offer of a "Get out of jail free" card from the Israeli government was loudly trumpeted in the Argentinian and international media. Within weeks the Hebrew press was running its first stories of a rise in anti-Semitic attacks on Jews in Argentina. No connection was made between the two events.

This would not be the first time Israel has recklessly played with the fortunes of the Jewish community in Argentina. Raanan Rein, a history professor at Tel Aviv University, reveals in his new book "Argentina, Israel and the Jews" (only in Hebrew) that in a private press conference in 1960 Prime Minister David Ben Gurion welcomed the possibility that Israel's kidnapping of Nazi war criminal Adolf Eichmann, in violation of an extradition agreement with Buenos Aires, would fuel hatred. "If there is anti-Semitism," he told a journalist, "they [Argentina's Jews] can immigrate to Israel."

Rein says of Israel's attitude towards Argentinian Jews: "Israel comes to the aid only of those who are prepared to immigrate to it. In effect, Israel chooses between Jews -- those who are prepared to immigrate receive full assistance, and those who want to remain in Argentina are abandoned."

Rein concludes that Israel is not motivated by the best interests of Jews in the diaspora but by its own selfish concerns, including its obsession with demographics. The "new anti-Semitism", whether real or imagined, is the only sales pitch Israel has that still works.

The writer is a British journalist currently living in Nazareth

© Copyright Al-Ahram Weekly. All rights reserved

ahram.org.eg



To: Andy Thomas who wrote (2379)10/14/2002 6:18:34 AM
From: GUSTAVE JAEGER  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 3959
 
As I told you, once you've factored out their psychological differences (Hitler's truculence vs Putin's phlegm), Putin and Hitler are pretty similar....

The Fuehrer's Birthdays:
Personality Cult in the Third Reich


ihffilm.com

The Empire strikes back: Putin cult reaches new levels
By Andrew Jack in Moscow
Published: October 12 2002 5:00 | Last Updated: October 12 2002 5:00


They came bearing tributes from all parts of the empire: a crystal crocodile from Moldova; a slow-growing Siberian pine tree from Tomsk; even promises of a reproduction Tsarist crown from the Urals, and of a mountain in Kyrgyzstan.

As officials in the Kremlin begin sifting some of the more extravagant presents offered to President Vladimir Putin in the past week, others are considering the underlying significance of the pomp surrounding the head of state's 50th birthday this week.

If the gifts were striking enough, just as eye-catching were the tributes and attention given to the event, from cards sent by schoolchildren to laudatory hymns from youth groups - all given extensive coverage in the Russian media.

To some observers, the celebrations signalled a return to a Soviet-era cult of personality; to others, an aspect of the absolutist eastern- style potentate approach to governance that continues to pervade much of Russian business, politics and society.

It must have seemed rather alien to foreign leaders such as Tony Blair, the British prime minister, who left Moscow yesterday at the end of a two-day trip just as the tributes were dying down. The child-bearing capacities of Mr Blair's wife have gathered plenty of media attention in the UK but few are aware of the date of their prime minister's birthday.

"It reminds me of similar events in the Soviet period, with the birthdays of Stalin, Krushchev and especially Brezhnev - people with Putin's own ideology," says Andrei Zorin, a cultural historian. "In his deeds, Putin is continuing [former President Boris] Yeltsin's policies of privatisation and support for oligarchs, but in his ideology he reflects what he was taught in the KGB."

He draws a distinction with the UK's elaborate ceremonies for the 100th anniversary of the Queen Mother. "She personifies the idea of the state. Russia is a republic, and Putin is a head of state in a country where life remains very difficult for the majority. To have a private celebration is fine but such a public celebration is almost immoral."

To some extent, the tributes to Mr Putin are an extension of a far broader Soviet and post-Soviet love of anniversaries, from the 70 years of the Socialist Revolution (celebrated not long before it all collapsed) to the 57th year of victory in the Great Patriotic War (still going strong as an annual national event).

Kommersant, a daily Russian business newspaper, publishes daily obsequious birthday congratulations to political and corporate leaders - the latter often aged only in their thirties - from acolytes and colleagues.

But the cult around Mr Putin, whose ratings remain very high, has reached new post-Soviet levels. Two pop groups sing his praise; a youth movement marches in his support; tomatoes, cafes and people have been named after him; and museums opened and plaques installed where he visits.

In offices across the country, an increasing variety of portraits and photographs of Mr Putin hang on the walls. And in the most recent example, a village in Ingushetia, where a former head of the FSB security service supported by the Kremlin was elected president earlier this year, named a street in his honour last week.

In contrast to Mr Yeltsin, Mr Putin himself stressed that it was work as usual on Monday, and that all the gifts would be handed to the state. He appeared a little awkward with the celebrations. Sergei Mironov, the fellow St Petersburger he hand-picked to head Russia's upper parliamentary chamber, claimed the best gift for the president would be "hard work".

Indeed, in a classic Soviet tradition at times of controversy, Mr Putin was out of the country on his birthday, attending a summit for the Commonwealth of Independent States in Moldova, and giving the impression that all the fuss was nothing to do with him.

But it seems that Russian officials and ordinary citizens still need little encouragement to take their own initiatives that they believe will please their leaders.

As Mr Zorin says: "Today's Russian public is still by majority a Soviet republic which felt rather uncomfortable with the economic disaster and ideological vacuum of Yeltsin's era. It will be a long time before this totalitarian way of life is destroyed."

news.ft.com