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Politics : The Tuesday Club -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Raymond Duray who wrote (104)10/12/2002 1:44:12 AM
From: average joe  Respond to of 302
 
"...Keynes and Galbraith, Marx and Rawls, Dreiser and Lewis and Sinclair--all of the thinkers and writers of the failed Left--will have been consigned to oblivion and the names that are honored will be Hayek, Popper, Friedman, Orwell and Rand."

Author: Ayn Rand - 1905-1982

Equality 7-2521 is a street sweeper in a dystopic future where:

We are nothing. Mankind is all. By the grace of our brothers are we allowed our lives. We exist through, by and for our brothers who are the State. Amen.

But Equality 7-2521 has a problem; he doesn't believe in the things that his brothers do. He has questions, which can not even be asked, that he wants answered. He has a friend (International 4-8818), which is forbidden, and then he falls in love with a woman he calls "The Golden One" (Liberty 5-3000). And as if all these crimes weren't bad enough, he's started to do experiments in an abandoned culvert and he's figured out electricity. But he's willing to accept the consequences for his crimes because he's certain that his discovery is so important to Mankind as to absolve him of all blame. He is, of course, wrong. Because in this society, it is not a good thing for an individual to discover new knowledge: "This is a great sin, to be born with a head which is too quick. It is not good to be different from our brothers, but it is evil to be superior to them." So Equality 7-2521 and Liberty 5-3000 escape into the wilderness surrounding the city and, after renaming each other Prometheus and Gaea, begin to work out a philosophy where the self, the individual, is important. Prometheus realizes:

At first, man was enslaved by the gods. But he broke the chains. Then he was enslaved by the kings. But he broke their chains. He was enslaved by his birth, by his kin, by his race. But he broke their chains. He declared to all his brothers that a man has rights which neither god nor king nor other men can take away from him, no matter what their number, for his is the right of man, and there is no right on earth above this right. And he stood on the threshold of freedom for which the blood of centuries behind him had been spilled.

But then he gave up all he had won, and fell lower than his savage beginning.

What brought it to pass? What disaster took their reason away from men? What whip lashed them to their knees in shame and submission? The worship of the word "We."

Perhaps in those days, there were a few among men, a few of clear sight and clean soul, who refused to surrender [the word I.] What agony must have been theirs before that which they saw coming and could not stop! Perhaps they cried out in protest and in warning. And they, these few,
fought a hopeless battle, and they perished with their banner smeared by their own blood. And they chose to perish, for they knew. To them, I send my salute across the centuries, and my pity.

Theirs is the banner in my hand. And I wish I had the power to tell them that the despair of their hearts was not to be final, and their night was not without hope. For the battle they lost can never be lost. For that which they died to save can never perish. Through all the darkness, through all the shame of which men are capable, the spirit of man will remain alive on this earth. It may sleep, but it will awaken. It may wear chains, but it will go on. Man, not men.

Ayn Rand espoused a hard line capitalist philosophy which she called Objectivism--''the concept of man as a heroic being, with his own happiness as the moral purpose of life, with productive achievement as his noblest activity and reason as his only absolute.'' During a period of years when one type of Collectivism or another (Socialism, Fascism, Communism) was regnant in virtually every nation in the West, she courageously swam against the tide of her time and demanded recognition of the primacy of the individual and of self interest as a force for good. As a result, she has been ignored by the arts establishment, by philosophers and by political scientists, but she has a strong cult following and nearly every young person has, at least, a flirtation with her ideas. There are legions of us who first read her in college and developed a ferocious intellectual crush on her for her iconoclasm and for the pure ferocity of her rhetoric. Here, at last, was someone telling us that the liberal pabulum we had been spoon fed for the first 18 years of life was moral poison. What a glorious moment when you discover that there are other people who, like you, think that individuals matter, that personal excellence should be celebrated, that anything that limits the rights and the abilities of individuals is evil.

One of the most telling indicators of the dichotomy between critics and the common folk is to compare her absence from the Modern Library Top 100 novels of the 20th Century list to the lofty placement of her novels on the lists where readers voted (i.e., Radcliffe's 100 Best Novels, Modern Library Readers' List & Koen Books Top 100) The critics may not respect her much, but we of the hoi polloi sure seem to like her. And, of course, Ms Rand has gotten the final laugh as it is her philosophy that has triumphed and, along with the careful tending of her acolyte and former boy toy Alan Greenspan, given the world a period of unprecedented economic growth and political freedom. The continued refusal of the intelligentsia to acknowledge her, merely serves to make her accomplishment all the more remarkable. When the dust has settled, a few decades or centuries from now, one assumes (okay, one hopes) that Keynes and Galbraith, Marx and Rawls, Dreiser and Lewis and Sinclair--all of the thinkers and writers of the failed Left--will have been consigned to oblivion and the names that are honored will be Hayek, Popper, Friedman, Orwell and Rand. .

The sheer length of her two masterworks, The Fountainhead and Atlas Shrugged, makes rereading them a pretty daunting prospect. They tend to be a little too hysterical, a little too repetitive and, with the end of the Cold War, they've lost a little of their edge. But only a little, her essential message is still as important and timely today as it was fifty years ago--the only guarantee of freedom and human progress continues to be the individual acting in his own interest. Every attempt to make one person work for another's benefit erodes all of our liberty and retards our progress as a society and a species. So I highly recommend that you return to these shorter works and The Fountainhead stands up pretty well. It also looks, from the reviews below, like her collected letters and journals make for rewarding reading. This fine short novel is an excellent introduction to her passionate political philosophy and her emotional polemical style.

juddtech.com



To: Raymond Duray who wrote (104)10/12/2002 11:33:55 PM
From: Victor Lazlo  Respond to of 302
 
You are an insulated fool.
You need to get out more.

Talk to real people. And grow up. Learn how brutal the real world is. And how most powerful people out there want to strip away your and my freedoms. Talk to regugees to the u.s. Talk to all the dirty, sick pathetic people who come here. And ask them why they endured the journey. You will learn a lot, my ignortant friend.

Then come back and present your simple dribble. You are a niave fool. You take everyting you have for granted.

You must have some f()cking birthright insularity that nobody else seems to enjoy. Deep niavete afforded by significant liberal money? Not uncommon.

If you could talk to my ancestors about FREEDOM pal, maybe you would have learned. But they are dead. They eventually died from their illnessness contracted while in transit to America. Esacaping from the unspeakable horrors and oppression of Europe.

But you RAYMOND, YOU TAKE ALL THIS FOR GRANTED. IT'S FREE !! Just because you have unearned money, you think you are entitled to peace of mind.

It does not work that way, silly Raymond.

Think again loser. You are so niave. The murderous Muslims will slice your neck while you sleep in your bed. Then they'll go in the room where your children sleep. There, they will slice the necks of your children while they sleep in their beds.

You know it's true. But you have a trust fund. You have lots of unearned money. You think it can't reach you and yours. It can.

Victor



To: Raymond Duray who wrote (104)10/13/2002 12:13:34 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 302
 
STIRRINGS OF OPPOSITION

Seeds of Protest Growing on College Campuses
By TAMAR LEWIN
The New York Times

BOSTON, Oct. 10 — Mike McLinn never showed the faintest interest in political protest, but he has plunged headfirst into the effort to prevent an American attack against Iraq.

On Tuesday night, Mr. McLinn, a senior at Northeastern University, went to a planning meeting for a citywide demonstration on Nov. 3. Wednesday night, he went to the Boston Mobilization office, where two dozen students from Boston University and Boston College talked about the "No War, No Way" Walk for Peace on Oct. 20. Mr. McLinn, a computer studies major, has also been meeting with other campus groups to explore joint actions.

"The only thing I ever did on campus was run the outdoors club, which is about having fun," Mr. McLinn said. "But this is about saving lives. We're talking about attacking Iraq, attacking first, which is something this country's never done before. We're turning into an imperialist power. So for the first time, I made the decision to act on my angst."

As the threat of military action against Iraq looms, students across the country are talking about the possibility of war. The first stirrings of an antiwar movement are emerging, even as a few conservative students who support the president are starting to organize.

"We've made a board with all these pins on it, showing where there have been demonstrations or teach-ins, or where there are things planned, and we have more than 135 campuses in 35 states," said Martha Honey of the Institute for Policy Studies in Washington, who has been helping organize student protests against military action. "It's growing exponentially, each day."

The movement against an attack on Iraq is still brand new, and most of the student actions have been small, attracting 100 people on one campus, 300 on another. It remains to be seen whether a powerful antiwar movement will emerge in the absence of a draft or, for that matter, a war.

Then, too, in the aftermath of Sept. 11, many Americans, of every age, support tough action to prevent terrorism. According to a New York Times/CBS News Poll released this week, most Americans under 30 share the rest of the nation's views of the president's policies — they are generally supportive. But younger Americans are the most opposed to a pre-emptive strike, and most likely to think that a war between the United States and Iraq would spread to other countries in the Middle East.

As recently as two months ago, on many campuses, only a handful of Muslim students and foreign policy professors were thinking about Iraq. But since late September, more than 10,000 faculty members at universities across the country have signed an online letter opposing an invasion, posted on the Web site www.noiraqattack.org. Students from anti-globalization groups and humanitarian groups are now forming antiwar coalitions with peace groups, Muslim student associations and others.

"My group, Stop the War!, is working with Amnesty International, the Greens, the Student Labor Action Coalition, the Muslim students, all kinds of groups," said Josh Healey, a University of Wisconsin freshman who helped organize a teach-in Tuesday and a rally Wednesday. "When I was handing out leaflets, all kinds of people were saying, like: `Thanks a lot. We don't want to go to war about Iraq, but we didn't know what to do.' "

The speed of the antiwar mobilization has struck some longtime college presidents. "Students are engaging very, very quickly with Iraq," said Nancy Dye, the president of Oberlin College. "This morning I was struck by a very large sign on top of an academic building, saying, `Say No to War in Iraq.' A new student organization has gotten itself together, and I don't even know if they have a name yet. There wasn't anything like this during the first gulf war, when I was president at Vassar."

But such activity is not seen everywhere: "So far, people seem to be worrying more about the economy and the sniper," said Stephen Trachtenberg, the president of George Washington University. "You talk to undergrads and they don't have any memory of Vietnam. Activism is something their parents tell them about."

(Page 2 of 2)

At many campuses, support for military action against Iraq has been muted or nonexistent. But that, too, may be changing. Late last month, Joe Fairbanks founded the Stanford College Republicans to give conservative students at his mostly liberal campus a place to voice support for the Bush policies. The group, with 200 members, is now planning a teach-in.

"We knew that military action was likely soon, and wanted to give students who supported it some way to show that to the rest of the students. Military action has become the only way to solve this problem," said Mr. Fairbanks, a sophomore at Stanford University.

At the University of Texas too, conservatives are planning political actions.

"The Campus Coalition for Peace and Justice has had a couple of antiwar rallies here, and university campuses always have more antiwar feeling than America in general," said Austin Kinghorn, public affairs director of the Young Conservatives of Texas. "But I think a lot of students here are still unsure. We're going to set up a debate with the coalition people, and I think that will get a huge turnout."

Last year, the noisiest issue on campus was Israeli-Palestinian relations. That tension remains: At the University of Michigan this weekend, hundreds of students from more than 70 universities are gathering to discuss a campaign for divestment from companies that do business in Israel, a campaign intended to paint Israel in the racist colors of apartheid South Africa.

On most campuses, the threat of war with Iraq has now become the dominant political issue with teach-ins and protests so common that prominent academics cannot meet the demand for their presence.

"I organized the Monday night forum at UMass-Amherst," said Michael Klare, a professor of peace and world security studies at Hampshire College and defense correspondent for The Nation. "I did M.I.T. last week. And then over the next two weeks, I'll be speaking at Springfield College, Western New England College and Simon's Rock. I've had to turn down CUNY and Hunter in New York, and Stanford and UC Santa Cruz."

On Monday, rallies were held at dozens of campuses nationwide, including Boston University, where students hung hundreds of paper dolls in Marsh Plaza, each one, they said, to represent 500 Iraqis killed since the Persian Gulf war as a result of either economic sanctions or bombing.

On Wednesday, a telephone line was set up at Georgetown University in Washington, and activists were stopping students between classes, and asking them to call their representatives in Congress to urge them to vote against allowing the president to go to war.

"I think there's a very strong antiwar feeling on campus," said Shadi Hamid, a Georgetown sophomore. "It wasn't so much an issue when we came back to school in August, but in the last two weeks there's been this new sense of urgency, and the issue has moved beyond the Muslim students."

Building an antiwar movement when students are not threatened by the draft is not easy. It may be particularly difficult in a generation that has little experience with political protest.

"Campus activism at Penn is a bit frustrating because it seems like most people agree with us," said Dan Fishback, a University of Pennsylvania senior. "I'll talk about the various reasons we shouldn't go to war, and they'll be, like, `Yeah, I'm totally with you.' But they're not, because they're not involved. They're so used to feeling helpless that it doesn't occur to them to be outraged."

nytimes.com