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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: JohnM who wrote (51981)10/14/2002 12:52:39 PM
From: carranza2  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
What's so demeaning about fair comment?

You told Bill you didn't want to get into the Arafat/Sharon conversation, but only after suggesting that to describe Arafat as a terrorist thug is to use loose language.

To me, it is evasive and incendiary to those here who consider Arafat a terrorist thug. You get the last word without engaging in the substance of the discussion. It's not fair dinkum.

The bottom line is that you have refused to engage those of us who would like to discuss the issue with you. The comparison would end up showing up Sharon as a saint in comparison to Arafat, though he is in fact no saint.

Frankly, after following this thread for months, I still have no idea how you feel about Arafat, though you chastise those of us who consider him a thug.

You may consider me demeaning if you wish. Let me suggest to you, however, that your perception may be colored by the fact that you may feel uncomfortable with the possibility that your evasiveness is being duly noted. If you find this comment demeaning, so be it.

Do you really think the Algerian analogy would become reality if Arafat is outsted? Have you followed the extent to which there has been protest against Arafat within Palestine by those who are finally realizing how terrible his rule has been?

In my view, the Algerian analogy (which is an apt one) is not necessarily one which has to take place. The opportunity to keep it from happening is in the hands of the Palestinians who are opposed to Arafat. They need to be rid of him. The Israelis may do the job for them if Netanyahu is elected, though clearly this would not be a good idea.



To: JohnM who wrote (51981)10/14/2002 12:57:03 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
Bush's War Drums Have Political Beat

By Les Payne
Columnist
Newsday
October 13, 2002
newsday.com

If the president's war drums were so urgent, why beat them in Cincinnati and not, say, in the Oval Office?

Politics, some say; politics on the hustings.

Not a bad speculation given that a third of the U.S. Senate and the House are up for election on Nov. 5. Democrats had planned to win by making the case that President George W. Bush has willfully urinated away the good economic times. "It's the economy stupid," however, has been reduced to an unpatriotic rant by a president got up in feathers and war paint.

Nothing silences the Democrat lambs like a Republican president whispering war talk into the ears of the American people. Such sweet nothings are particularly effective these days with the absence of the shadows of the Trade Center towers.

Rattling his own weapons of mass destruction, Bush has created a deafening silence on wanting domestic issues. In New York City, for example, finances are said to be in the worst straits since the 1970s brush with bankruptcy. The cleanup and repair around Ground Zero have been miraculous - and the feds have delivered - but the bills keep mounting and the services must continue apace.

"You are looking at a $5-billion budget gap at a time when that's a huge percentage of the city's discretionary spending," cried the City Council speaker. "We have to have a police force. We have to have firefighters. We have to have public education. The scope is tremendous and the crisis is grave."

Other cities may not be as hard hit as the one that bore the brunt of the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks. But things are hurting all over the republic. The stock market is in the tub. Washed along with it are the 401(k) accounts that average Americans were counting on for retirement. Unemployment among the young is rising. A mounting federal deficit has sprung up where, when Bush took office, there was an extravagant surplus.

Wresting the microphone away from the president in war paint has not been easy. From his irrepressible bully pulpit, he has directed the eyes of the people away from their sputtering economy to the mansions and rail yards and mosques of Iraq. Nine months ago it was all Osama bin Laden, and it made sense. After leveling the mud huts in the foothills of Afghanistan, no further political capital could be wrung from this mad, secular mullah.

Ambiguity is unserviceable in the cause of political distraction. So, deprived of bin Laden, the president turned to the concrete visage of his father's old nemesis. Dusted of his back-curtain cobwebs, Saddam Hussein has been pulled back on stage and made to dance obscenely. He has no more weapons of mass destruction than six months ago, but, hey, he'll just have to do.

Even the CIA, careful not to be wrong this time, reports that Hussein poses no threat to the United States. The agency's national intelligence estimate said the murderous dictator is unlikely to initiate biological, chemical or other terrorist attacks against America. The report had all the earmarks of a rebuttal to, if not a contradiction of, the president's call for a national-security, preemptive strike. Such a strike, the CIA concluded, might provoke Hussein into using whatever weapons he has stockpiled.

In his Cincinnati speech Monday, the president apparently resorted to the worst-case Iraq scenario. Still, the campaign speech left enough slack in his planning to allow for the results of the Nov. 5 elections. Even the congressional resolution granting Bush the power to attack Iraq was anticipated with an eye out for Election Day.

"Approving this resolution does not mean that military action is imminent or unavoidable," he said.

The presidential war drums, however, seem calculated to hold the Democrats in Congress and elsewhere in check patriotically.

Just as disturbing is the White House plan for Iraq, post Hussein, as printed in The New York Times. Modeled on the occupation of Japan, this nifty piece of neo-colonialism would occupy the land, dominate the people and shape Iraq in America's image, a horrible idea.

As for the Iraqi military leaders, who as all such professionals are sworn to defend their country against invasion, the United States would try them as war criminals. Bush should be told that, unlike Japan in 1941, Iraq did not attack the United States and that its generals, were they simply to defend their country, would not be war criminals, per se.

The most galling aspect of this Japan-model U.S. occupation has America, yes, seizing Iraq's oil. The Bush administration, according to the Times, "would put an American officer in charge of Iraq for a year or more while the United States and its allies searched for weapons and maintained Iraq's oil fields."

Reasoned, apolitical Americans will find it hard to defend such bare-knuckled imperialism against the blizzard of world criticism likely to accrue. Stripped of its thin veneer of exaggeration and billingsgate, the Bush policy, according to critics, is either a political diversion or a veiled, though nonetheless heavy-handed, grab for Iraq's oil.

Both, depending upon the election, may prove true. After Nov. 5, the fulcrum of the Iraq issue is certain to shift. Just wait.

Copyright © 2002, Newsday, Inc.



To: JohnM who wrote (51981)10/15/2002 2:32:42 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
Comment from a "best of the web" that I agree with.

>>> "Sectarian violence in India's Solapur city, triggered by a protest over comments by US Baptist minister Jerry Falwell against the Prophet Mohammed, has left eight dead and over 90 injured," Agence France-Presse reports. "Police had used gunfire Friday on crowds of rioters of Muslim youths who clashed with groups of Hindus as the protest against Falwell's remarks turned violent."

We have no brief for Jerry Falwell, who frequently says idiotic things. But let's think this through, shall we? Here are Falwell's remarks to "60 Minutes" that "triggered" the "protest":

I think Mohammed was a terrorist. I read enough of the history of his life written by both Muslims and non-Muslims, that he was a violent man, a man of war. . . . I do believe that Jesus set the example for love, as did Moses. And I think that Mohammed set an opposite example.

Now, maybe this is a slander against Islam. Certainly Falwell's use of the term "terrorist" is unfortunate, if for no other reason than that it seems to endorse the extremists' interpretation of Islam, which many Muslims dispute. But if Falwell characterizes Islam as a violent religion and Muslims respond by taking to the streets, rioting and killing people, aren't they sort of making his point?<<<<



To: JohnM who wrote (51981)10/15/2002 3:41:42 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
Bush aiming at wrong target, US critics fear

Terrorist groups are not yet defeated, says senior Republican

Julian Borger in Washington
Monday October 14, 2002
The Guardian

The upsurge in terrorist attacks on western targets around the world over the past month, culminating in the bombings in Bali, has fuelled criticism of the Bush administration that its focus on Iraq has sapped its effort against an undefeated al-Qaida.

Western intelligence services see Indonesia as both a haven and a target of Islamist extremists affiliated to al-Qaida. However, there was also no immediate evidence that the Bush administration's current concentration on Iraq had diminished its efforts against al-Qaida and its supporters in Indonesia.

During a visit to Jakarta in August, the US secretary of state, Colin Powell, announced the renewal of US military assistance, a $50m (£32m) package over three years. But the administration's critics say that resources are being drained from the worldwide campaign against al-Qaida and diverted to preparations for a war on Iraq, at a time when al-Qaida is not only still functioning but showing signs of a resurgence.

Bill Clinton and his former vice-president, Al Gore, have led the charge against the Iraq policy. Mr Clinton broke with tradition this month when he cautioned against pre-emptive, unilateral action in Iraq and argued that "our most pressing security challenge" remained al-Qaida. Mr Gore launched a scathing attack on President Bush's foreign policy last month, saying a threatened war against Iraq had distracted attention from efforts to fight terrorism, neglected the need to stabilise Afghanistan, and alienated America's allies.

"The resulting chaos in the aftermath of a military victory with Iraq could easily pose a far greater danger to the United States than does Saddam," Mr Gore said.

The critics have also included Republicans, who point to the redeployment of special forces troops from anti-terrorist duties around the world to prepare for a possible invasion in Iraq. Intelligence sources have also claimed that overstretched CIA analysts have been put under pressure to produce evidence underpinning the administration's controversial claims of links between Baghdad and al-Qaida.

In a flurry of attacks this month, Abu Sayyaf guerrillas detonated a nail bomb in the Philippines, killing three including an American special forces soldier; an explosion on an oil tanker off the coast of Yemen on October 6 has been shown to have been a terrorist attack; and in Kuwait gunmen with suspected al-Qaida links opened fire on US marines, killing one and injuring another.

At the same time, al-Qaida has released two audio tapes - one a recording of Osama bin Laden which could not be dated, and another of his Egyptian deputy, Ayman al-Zawahiri, which was clearly made recently and urged the organisation's followers to carry out attacks on American targets.

US intelligence officials quoted in the American press over the weekend warned that the latest attacks could represent the lead-up to another spectacular assault, comparable with September 11. At the very least, they have shown the capacity of al-Qaida and its supporters to carry out multiple low-level attacks around the world at the same time.

"I'm afraid you'll see a lot more of this," Richard Shelby, the most senior Republican on the Senate intelligence committee, told the New York Times. "We always warned that there would be more attacks because we have not finished off al-Qaida. We've disrupted it. We've had them on the run, but they are still around."

Senator Shelby's Democratic counterpart, Bob Graham, argued yesterday that the administration's campaign against Iraq "misstates our national priorities in a dangerous way".

"If this were 1938, the course advocated by the president - and endorsed in the congressional resolution - would be the equivalent of the Allies' declaring war on Mussolini's Italy but ignoring Hitler's Germany," he wrote in the Washington Post.

"We are turning our backs on the greater danger, and pretending not to recognise that an attack on Baghdad could spark the wake-up call to the terrorists sleeping in our midst."

The CIA entered the fray last week, when its director, George Tenet, declassified an official assessment that Iraq represented a "low" threat to the US, but could retaliate if attacked, possibly by supplying chemical or biological weapons to Islamic extremists.

In Whitehall there has been growing concern that the Bush administration has taken its eye off international terrorism by concentrating on a war against Iraq and toppling Saddam Hussein.

From his public statements on September 11, Bin Laden made it clear he was seeking to provoke a war of cultures between Muslims and non-Muslims. Most analysts agree that that effort has so far been a manifest failure, but it could be given momentum if the US invades Iraq.

In his message broadcast last Tuesday, al-Zawahiri portrayed the gathering US campaign against Baghdad in that light. "The campaign against Iraq has an objective that is far beyond Iraq to reach the Arab and Islamic world," he said on al-Jazeera.

The Bush administration has argued that the possibility that terrorists might acquire weapons of mass destruction represents the biggest threat now looming over the US, justifying an urgent confrontation with Baghdad.

The president was bolstered last Thursday by overwhelming votes in the Senate and House of Representatives authorising the use of force. The votes split the Democratic party between those opposed to a war with Iraq, those who supported it, and those who believed it was politically dangerous to oppose the president over a national security issue in the run-up to congressional elections.

A New York Times commentator, Thomas Friedman, who has previously supported a hardline approach to Baghdad, argued that the increasing threat to Americans at home demanded more attention by the government.

"Frankly, I don't want to hear another word about Iraq right now. I want to hear that my president and my Congress are taking the real steps needed in this country - starting with sane gun control and sane economic policy - to stop this slide into over here becoming like over there."

guardian.co.uk



To: JohnM who wrote (51981)10/15/2002 6:32:02 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
US Double Standards

by STEPHEN ZUNES
comment
The Nation
Posted October 10, 2002

The effort by the Bush Administration and Congress to portray the planned invasion of Iraq as simply an effort to enforce United Nations Security Council resolutions reaches a new low in double standards. A survey of the nearly 1,500 resolutions passed by the Security Council, the fifteen-member enforcement arm of the UN in which the United States and the four other permanent members wield veto power, reveals more than ninety resolutions currently violated by countries other than Iraq. The vast majority of these violations are by governments closely allied to the United States. Not only have the Bush Administration and its Congressional allies not suggested invading these countries; the United States has blocked sanctions and other means of enforcing them, and even provides the military and economic aid that helps make ongoing violations possible.

For example, in 1975, after Morocco's invasion of Western Sahara and Indonesia's invasion of East Timor, the Security Council passed a series of resolutions demanding immediate withdrawal. However, then-US ambassador to the UN Daniel Patrick Moynihan bragged that "the Department of State desired that the United Nations prove utterly ineffective in whatever measures it undertook. The task was given to me, and I carried it forward with no inconsiderable success." East Timor finally won its freedom in 1999. Moroccan forces still occupy Western Sahara. Meanwhile, Turkey remains in violation of Security Council Resolution 353 and more than a score of resolutions calling for its withdrawal from northern Cyprus, which Turkey, a NATO ally, invaded in 1974.

The most extensive violator of Security Council resolutions is Israel. Israel's refusal to respond positively to the formal acceptance this past March by the Arab League of the land-for-peace formula put forward in Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338 arguably puts Israel in violation of these resolutions, long seen as the basis for Middle East peace. More clearly, Israel has defied Resolutions 267, 271 and 298, which demand that it rescind its annexation of greater East Jerusalem, as well as dozens of other resolutions insisting that Israel cease its violations of the Fourth Geneva Convention, such as deportations, demolition of homes, collective punishment and seizure of private property. Unlike some of the hypocritical and meanspirited resolutions passed by the UN General Assembly, like the now-rescinded 1975 resolution equating Zionism with racism, these Security Council resolutions are well grounded in international law and were passed with US support or abstention. Security Council Resolutions 446, 452 and 465 require that Israel evacuate all its illegal settlements on occupied Arab lands. The United States, however, now insists that the fate of the settlements is a matter for Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. The US decision to help fund Israel's construction of Jewish-only "bypass roads" in the occupied West Bank to connect the illegal settlements with Israel puts the United States in violation of Article 7 of Resolution 465, which prohibits member states from facilitating Israel's colonization drive.

The violations of Security Council resolutions by American allies stand in contradiction to the UN Charter and Geneva Conventions, longstanding and universally applied foundations of international law. The sections of Security Council Resolution 687 (demanding Iraqi disarmament) currently violated by Iraq, in contrast, are unprecedented infringements of traditional concepts of national sovereignty and apply to that country only.

According to Articles 41 and 42 of the UN Charter, no member state has the right to enforce any resolution militarily unless the Security Council determines that there has been a material breach of the resolution, decides that all nonmilitary means of enforcement have been exhausted and specifically authorizes the use of military force. This is what the council did in November 1990 with Resolution 678 in response to Iraq's occupation of Kuwait, which violated a series of resolutions passed that August demanding Iraq's withdrawal. When Iraq finally complied by withdrawing from Kuwait in March 1991, this resolution became moot.

If the United States can unilaterally claim the right to invade Iraq because of that country's violations of Security Council resolutions, other council members could logically claim the right to invade states that are also in violation; for example, Russia could claim the right to invade Israel, France could claim the right to invade Turkey and Britain could claim the right to invade Morocco. The US insistence on the right to attack unilaterally could seriously undermine the principle of collective security and the authority of the UN, and in so doing would open the door to international anarchy.
________________________________________________

Stephen Zunes, an associate professor of politics at the University of San Francisco, is the author of Tinderbox: U.S. Middle East Policy and the Roots of Terrorism (Common Courage).



thenation.com