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Politics : The Tuesday Club -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: ~digs who wrote (114)10/15/2002 12:28:23 AM
From: ~digs  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 302
 
Anti-War Protests Get Louder In Calif.

By Evelyn Nieves
Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, October 14, 2002; Page A01


SAN FRANCISCO, Oct. 13 -- In all the years he has spent on street corners, talking himself hoarse trying to convince the world that war is hell, Jeff Grubler has never been so popular.

Life has become one big anti-war rally. Last Wednesday, Grubler, a volunteer with the American Friends Service Committee, agreed to lead a rally of 200 students at the University of California, Berkeley. On Thursday, he joined 200 people on a march to the Federal Building here to protest the congressional resolution authorizing President Bush to attack Iraq. On Saturday, Grubler spent a good part of the day sifting through a mountain of e-mails about upcoming anti-war events. Today, he led a teach-in at Stanford University.

The prospects of a U.S. war on Iraq have prompted so many teach-ins, protests, marches and forums that he can't keep up. "In the Bay Area," said Grubler, a 34-year-old bartender who began working for the Service Committee about five years ago, "there are literally multiple events every day."

In the Bay Area, bastion of the most liberal Democrats in the country, speaking out against unilateral action on Iraq is like preaching the dangers of binge drinking at an Alcoholics Anonymous convention. Anti-war rallies on two consecutive weekends drew 10,000 people each, and hastily called protests draw several hundred. Unlike the rest of the country -- or even the rest of California -- activists here can boast that most of their elected representatives (10 of 13) heeded their thousands of phone calls and voted against the resolution on Iraq.

But the Bay Area is not, as some pundits would have it, "out there" alone.

It is simply the most obvious place, veteran peace organizers say, to see a burgeoning national anti-war movement that is gaining momentum by the day.

Peace groups believe they can still avert a war by convincing politicians that the majority of Americans oppose unilateral action against Iraq.

Most Americans -- about 61 percent, according to a recent Washington Post-ABC News poll -- support using force to remove Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, but anti-war activists contend that is true only when people are asked the question in the broadest terms. When voters in the Post-ABC poll were asked whether the United States should launch an attack over the opposition of its allies, for example, support dropped to 46 percent.

Most polls find that a majority of Americans believe the United Nations should be allowed to try diplomacy first.

Approval of the resolution on Iraq, though disheartening to groups that spent weeks organizing citizens to inundate members of Congress with thousands of phone calls and e-mails registering opposition to a war, was expected, peace organizers say. (Even before the final vote, anti-war groups planned national protests on Oct. 26 in San Francisco and the District, hoping for at least 100,000 participants.) In fact, the resolution has increased the anti-war effort, organizers say. Some say politicians who ignored the will of their constituents and voted to approve the resolution will face repercussions, such as more protests and sit-ins at their offices -- and possible retribution in the next election. But the greater effort will be in convincing Congress and the president that war is not the way to go, said Mary Lord, director of the national peace-building unit for the American Friends Service Committee.

"I think that the Democratic leadership made a mistake in thinking that voting for the war would get them off the headlines," Lord said. "Now there's going to be accelerated troop deployment. This issue is not going to go away."

The latest Pew Research Center survey, taken early this month, found that 88 percent of Americans are following the Iraq debate very or fairly closely.

No one can say what will happen to the peace movement if Bush does launch strikes on Iraq and the nation is plunged into a sustained war. But time-tested organizations such as the Service Committee, which is run by the nation's oldest pacifist institution, the Quakers, as well as groups that have sprung up in response to the threat of a U.S. invasion, talk in elated terms about how overwhelmed they are with the sheer number of people who want to join their effort, as well as the multiplying number of anti-war activities. They talk of a rising tide of student activism, of protesting by people who have never protested before and of an engagement on the issue that was absent prior to U.S. involvement in Vietnam.

The Institute for Policy Studies, a liberal Washington think tank, had compiled a list of more than 250 anti-war events planned throughout the country over the next two weeks, only to discover it had missed at least 150 others. "People are organizing at all levels," said Amy Quinn, co-director of the institute. "I'm hearing from the older generations that there was nowhere near this level of activism at this stage in the Vietnam War. I'm not surprised that people are coming out against the war. I am surprised at how organized and vocal people are."

Global Exchange, the San Francisco-based human rights organization that has been leading many of the anti-war efforts, created a Web site, www.unitedforpeace.org, just before Sept. 11 so that peace organizations could list their events. In the past month, as Bush began increasing his arguments to wage a war on Iraq, the list of anti-war events "in every state" has been growing by the day, said Andrea Buffa, a Global Exchange organizer. "Teach-ins, sit-ins, rallies, you name it -- I think that the nation is seeing a growing peace movement the likes of which we have not seen in a long time."

Not In Our Name, an anti-war group based in New York, has been receiving more than 25,000 hits and more than 1,000 e-mails a day from all over the world on its Web site, www.notinourname.org, said Miles Solay, an organizer with the Refuse and Resist Project, an arm of the organization. A call from Not In Our Name for national rallies on Oct. 6 led to more than 40 rallies involving more than 85,000 people, he said. Although those rallies had hoped to affect the outcome of the congressional resolution, Solay said, many more activities are planned. Not In Our Name is organizing the Oct. 26 rallies and others. "There will be lots of response to the no-surprise resolution," he said. "On the day the bombing begins, there will be organized protests across the country. There's a new student movement growing all over the country. Thousands of youth are organizing and getting involved. . . . We are coming together."

The American Friends Service Committee has launched an ambitious effort, organizing war protests by faith groups as well as student teach-ins, coalitions among anti-war organizations big and small, and citizen involvement in campaigns where candidates have expressed support for a U.S. attack, Lord said. "We'll be encouraging people to go to candidate meetings and campaign forums to tell them that this is not the way to get elected."

That also will mean more calls to more politicians, as well as more protests directed at political leaders. Alpesh Patel, who has been leading protests at the San Mateo, Calif., office of Rep. Tom Lantos, one of the first local Democrats to support the resolution on Iraq, said he has found that there is almost unanimous opposition to war in the district. "With the vote done, we are not done one bit," he said. "We will be back in front of Lantos's office. We want to make it abundantly clear that everybody in this district who speaks for anybody is opposed to Lantos's war."

Bill Ramsey, a coordinator for the Human Rights Action Service in St. Louis, who has been leading sit-ins at the district office of House Minority Leader Richard A. Gephardt (D-Mo.) and the state Democratic Party headquarters, said those protests will continue and multiply. "There are hundreds of people here engaging in action they are initiating themselves," he said. "The kinds of responses we're getting are astounding us."

In San Francisco, groups are planning sit-ins at Sen. Dianne Feinstein's office to protest her vote for the resolution after the California Democrat expressed opposition to it a few weeks ago. Efforts to persuade her to oppose the resolution failed despite 11,000 calls that her office logged in the week before the vote, with only 150 of those calls supporting the resolution.

Even House Minority Whip Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.), who opposed the resolution (after receiving 12,000 calls from constituents in three weeks, with only 20 of those supporting the resolution), is getting calls complaining about Feinstein's vote. Brendan Daley, Pelosi's press secretary, said her office had received a few hundred angry calls regarding Feinstein's vote Friday morning.

Grubler, who had expected the resolution to pass, said he would probably participate in a few sit-ins in the next few weeks. He specializes in dressing up and performing skits, which explained why he was wearing orange coveralls, a hard hat and rubber boots last Thursday -- his weapons inspector outfit -- as he walked through downtown San Francisco to meet members of the Service Committee at a weekly peace vigil. He was hoping to squeeze in some street theater, but as usual these days, he had no time. "I am sleep-deprived," he said, sighing at the current state of affairs for peace activists.

washingtonpost.com



To: ~digs who wrote (114)10/15/2002 3:15:48 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 302
 
Our Fears Are Not A Reason For War

By Harold Meyerson
Editorial
The Washington Post
Sunday, October 13, 2002; Page B01

Did ever a declaration of war (or its functional equivalent) spring from a more dampered debate? It's not that there weren't impassioned speeches of opposition in both the Senate and House chambers this past week as Congress gave President Bush the unilateral authority he wants to wage war against Iraq. Critics of the administration's policy raised doubts about the Iraqi threat, the distraction from our war against al Qaeda, and the wisdom and propriety of preemption itself. Old Robert Byrd of West Virginia did a pretty fair imitation of Frank Capra's young Mr. Smith.

But there's an emotional undercurrent to the Iraq debate that was largely missing from this nation's earlier deliberations on war and peace, and that most certainly played no part in the wrangling over Vietnam. That emotion is fear -- in the Congress, but more important, in the nation as a whole. And the president has done a masterful job of exploiting it.

He tapped into that fear right at the outset of his much-anticipated speech Monday night laying out his case against Saddam Hussein's regime. "On September the 11th, 2001," he said, "America felt its vulnerability even to threats that gather on the other side of the earth." The bulk of his speech was devoted to demonstrating why Iraq was one of those threats, and he returned more than once to the al Qaeda attack to bolster his argument.

"Why do we need to confront [the Iraqi threat] now?" the president asked, raising the very question that his administration had so far failed to address. "There's a reason. We have experienced the horror of September the 11th."

The president's point was that if al Qaeda could commit those atrocities, so could Iraq, which has weapons of mass destruction, and is trying to get more, and is harboring terrorist groups, and has some al Qaeda members knocking around Baghdad, and . . . As you can see, the president had lots of points. He needed lots of points, because he lacked the one point that could prove that Iraq actually poses an imminent danger to the United States or to its Middle Eastern neighbors. As the CIA assessment that was declassified last week made clear, Saddam Hussein has shown little inclination or capacity to do the things we are determined to stop him from doing -- unless we attack to stop him from doing them.

So it's not the Iraqi threat that has changed that much since Sept. 11 -- Hussein's still a monster, and still containable. It's the United States that has changed, into a nation that no longer feels immune. Now, when we think of our national security, the collapse of the Twin Towers automatically replays in our national psyche. It has become a permanent nightmare whose potential recurrence informs -- or, in this case, clouds -- our judgment of the present.

In particular, Sept. 11 has made it more difficult for opponents of the administration's policy to argue that Iraq can be contained and deterred -- not because of the merits of the case, but because it is easy to make the containment argument look like the new-age version of Munich-like appeasement. And never mind that after 45 years of containment, the Soviet Union was appeased into collapse. Never mind that Iraq is not a terrorist group that can flee to the hills: It is a nation-state, it is the hills. It could suffer assured destruction just as the Soviet Union could have, and it wouldn't be mutual. Never mind, too, that inspection of suspected sites of Iraqi weapons production can be greatly stepped up. (Former Clinton State Department official Morton Halperin has suggested aerial bombing of any facilities from which the Iraqi government bars U.N. arms inspectors.)

So opponents of the Bush resolution largely steered clear of one of their strongest arguments -- that Iraq has been and can be contained. If opponents had had the CIA assessment of Iraqi capacities and intention at an earlier point, the debate might have taken a different course. But to question the magnitude of the Iraqi threat, even though there was ample evidence that Hussein's military force had degraded since the Gulf War, doubtless seemed too reckless without testimony such as the CIA's 11th-hour admission.

In the end, however, Bush's failure to make a convincing case gave rank-and-file House Democrats more freedom to vote their conscience and their judgment than anyone had anticipated. (Fully 61 percent of them opposed the resolution, as well as 21 of the 50 Democratic senators.) The spectacle of so many legislators voting counter to the collective wisdom of their political consultants, who had counseled them to stick with the president no matter what, was a heartening sight. The question in the months ahead is whether these maverick legislators will have the gumption to stay so discordantly off-message.

The Democratic leadership wasn't exactly champing to go into opposition to the Bush administration even before the White House started beating war drums this summer. Both House leader Dick Gephardt and Senate leader Tom Daschle had already decreed that the war and the Bush tax cut were distractions, and that the November campaign would center on preserving Social Security -- a poll-tested winner, particularly if nobody under 65 turned out to vote.

The irony is that while the Republican right has already tossed in the towel on repealing Franklin Roosevelt's domestic legacy, the administration is now waging a sudden and all-out attack on FDR'S foreign-policy legacy: the institutions and the standards of liberal internationalism that were set in place at the end of World War II. The National Security Strategy of the United States, which the administration unveiled almost simultaneously with the initial draft of its war resolution, proclaims a world order much newer than the one put forth by President George H.W. Bush in 1991. It is a world in which the United States is the model, arbiter and enforcer for the rest of the planet, in which America arrogates to itself the right to intervene preventively against any power it deems a threat.

There's probably little in the National Security Strategy that administration neo-cons such as Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz and Iraqi hawk Richard Perle haven't believed for years. But it's hard to imagine the administration daring to produce such a document absent the attacks of Sept. 11 and the sense of deep vulnerability they engendered. Certainly, the dismissal of deterrence as last century's defense doctrine is the direct result of the al Qaeda attacks -- though why deterrence should not still work against nations is left unexplained.

A full-scale debate on Bush's radical vision of foreign policy -- really, a debate over America's sense of itself -- is a matter of some urgency. Indeed, the administration's view of the world -- a dark, Hobbesian place in which only U.S. power casts a light -- requires the Democrats to either restate or reformulate some first principles.

Few things other than wars provoke such fundamental discourse. The Spanish-American War was accompanied by an impassioned national discussion of the propriety of our acquiring colonies and of how we differed from the European colonial powers. The debate over the Mexican War was part of the decades-long dispute between North and South. The division caused by Vietnam is ever present in our national consciousness.

The difference between those debates and the current one is the insecurity the nation feels at this moment. But if vulnerability to terrorism becomes a pretext for the projection of American power into states that may not be aggressors or don't pose imminent threats, we will have become something like the empire that our adversaries have long contended we are. No matter what happens in the months ahead, those who have opposed the war resolution (and some, I suspect, who have supported it) will now have to battle for a world ruled by something more politically, economically and morally sturdy -- and less vulnerable -- than American power alone.

_________________________________________________________

Harold Meyerson is editor at large of the American Prospect, a biweekly journal of liberal opinion and analysis.

© 2002 The Washington Post Company

washingtonpost.com



To: ~digs who wrote (114)10/15/2002 4:22:26 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 302
 
Message 18113595