SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Non-Tech : The Enron Scandal - Unmoderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Glenn Petersen who wrote (2526)10/21/2002 3:09:38 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 3602
 
Enron Ushers in Regulatory Activism Era

By Deepa Babington

October 20, 2002 08:26 AM ET


NEW YORK (Reuters) - Call it Enron Corp.'s ENRNQ.PK gift to corporate America.

One year after the energy trader began to crumble under a cloud of murky accounting and even murkier off-balance sheet partnerships, U.S. companies are coping with new rules and aggressive regulators, all inspired by Enron's spectacular collapse.

Congress has unleashed the most far-reaching corporate reforms since the Great Depression, imposing restrictions on auditors, tightening standards for boards of directors and increasing penalties for corporate wrong-doers.

Further, the major stock exchanges have proposed dramatic listing-standard revisions, and just about every trade group and corporate organization has come out with its own set of reforms and guidelines.

Few doubt such enthusiasm for change would have existed without a collapse as stunning as Enron, where just about every safeguard put in place to protect investors -- including auditors, boards of directors, corporate controls, outside review by regulators and Wall St. analysts -- was criticized for failing to spot its problems.

"I often say that in a democracy, we govern either through leadership or crisis. Much too often we govern by crisis -- we need a crisis to take the steps that are necessary," said Leon Panetta, the former White House chief of staff who is an NYSE board member and co-chairman of the committee that developed the exchange's rule proposals.

"While everybody deep down knew that there were problems developing, it frankly took an Enron to shake the system up," Panetta said in an interview with Reuters.

Fear of future collapses set off a series of rule-making sessions everywhere. At the New York Stock Exchange, for example, a panel gathered at a boardroom in March with the goal of recommending changes to the listing standards by June.

Currently, the NYSE proposals need to be approved by the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission.

"The question that was always discussed, was 'What steps do we need to put in place to ensure as best as we could that we would not see future Enrons take place,"' Panetta said.

REFORMS NEED A CRISIS

That, legal experts say, is typical.

"The history of Wall Street certainly suggests that legislation always follows a crisis -- they're never put there to prevent them," said Charles Geisst, professor of finance at Manhattan College and author of "Wall Street: A History."

Enron, in particular, was hard for regulators and Congress to ignore because the devastation spread to Main Street from Wall Street. Thousands abruptly lost their jobs, and many more lost their life savings. Earlier this year, tearful ex-Enron employees stood before lawmakers and television cameras to talk about their lost pension savings and the hard times they had fallen on.

However, many also agree that if the flood of corporate shenanigans had ebbed after Enron, the response from regulators would have been more muted. But Enron was followed by a tidal wave of alleged malfeasance, including bombshells from WorldCom and cable company Adelphia Communications. "I don't think people would have lost confidence in the capital markets without having had business failures, whether it was Enron or WorldCom or any other company," Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu Chief Executive Jim Copeland told Reuters last week.

The accounting industry, for example, had lobbied hard to tone down proposed restrictions on the lucrative consulting services that accounting firms can provide to audit clients.

For a while, it seemed they were successful. After a series of hearings on the Enron scandal early in the year, the momentum for pushing ahead on tough legislation in Washington had begun to wane as spring rolled around.

But when WorldCom shocked the markets with a $3.8 billion improper booking of routine expenses in June (the figure was to rise later), lawmakers quickly set aside their differences to pass the Sarbanes-Oxley bill in one swoop. The new law prohibits accountants from providing several consulting services to audit clients and sets up a new accounting board to police accountants, among other changes.

"Some regulation and some improvements would have happened with time for the (accounting) profession, but Enron caused much greater regulation to occur and of course it occurred at a much more rapid pace," said Ed Nusbaum, CEO of accounting firm Grant Thornton.

DARKER MOOD

Equally important is what didn't happen as a result of the Enron scandal, says Michael Littenberg, a lawyer Schulte Roth & Zabel, who specializes in securities law.

When Harvey Pitt first stepped into the shoes of chairman of the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission, he spoke of a "new era of respect and cooperation" with the auditing profession, and was widely perceived as ushering in a new era at an agency now willing to work with corporate America.

This was an about-face from the previous activist regime headed by Arthur Levitt, which was widely viewed as a "bull in a china shop," as one corporate executive put it bluntly.

But the SEC led by Pitt, despite being constantly criticized, has tried to project a tougher image since the scandal and has worked to tighten rules.

Other prominent issues have been pushed to the backburner. For example, a paper circulated last summer on easing the rules for established public companies to raise capital in the markets received a warm reception from the SEC then, but is unlikely to become a priority anytime soon, says Littenberg.

"The mood has become darker," said Charles Horn, a partner with law firm Mayer Brown Rowe & Maw. "There's a tremendous amount of pressure from the public and they (regulators) are very much under the microscope."



To: Glenn Petersen who wrote (2526)10/25/2002 7:47:41 AM
From: Glenn Petersen  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 3602
 
Ex-F.B.I. Chief Seen as Choice for Accounting Post

October 25, 2002

By STEPHEN LABATON

nytimes.com

ASHINGTON, Oct. 24 — The Securities and Exchange Commission has settled on William H. Webster, the former F.B.I. and C.I.A. director, to head a new agency regulating the accounting profession, commission officials and Congressional aides briefed about the decision said today.

The selection was made by the three Republicans on the five-member commission, some of whom praised Mr. Webster as a vigorous voice for law enforcement who would be tough on the profession.

But the two Democrats planned to issue a bitter dissent when the commission formally votes on the membership of the new agency on Friday. They prefer it be headed by John H. Biggs, a leading voice for aggressive oversight of the profession who until recently had appeared to have the bipartisan support of a majority of the commissioners.

The selection of Mr. Webster was made after Harvey L. Pitt, the S.E.C. chairman, and the two other Republicans on the commission — all three of whom have had career ties to the accounting profession — decided to reject Mr. Biggs. Mr. Biggs, who is chairman of TIAA-CREF, the large pension system, testified this year for an independent regulator and tighter restrictions on the profession. His selection had been opposed by some accountants and one of their most important Republican allies in Congress, Representative Michael G. Oxley, Republican of Ohio, who heads the committee that oversees the commission.

Mr. Webster, 78, now a partner at the law firm of Milbank, Tweed, Hadley & McCloy, is widely known for his long record of government service and law enforcement. Mr. Webster did not return a telephone call seeking comment, but officials said he had accepted the offer.

But some experts noted that he had little recent experience in accounting issues and had played no role in recent years in the debates over a variety of regulatory and accounting issues that will have to be addressed by the new board.

"Webster has been an administrator and judge of unblemished integrity," said James D. Cox, a professor of corporate and securities law at Duke University. "But there is nothing in his background to show that he will be an instrument of change or that he has any recent experience in these areas."

Others were more blunt.

"I'm putting my money in money markets," said Lynn E. Turner, a former chief accountant at the commission. "It's unfortunate that William Webster is being used as a pawn by the administration and Harvey Pitt and that the accounting profession has succeeded in vetoing somebody they didn't want. Investors, Webster and the reputations of accountants are going to suffer for this."

But Paul S. Atkins, one of the Republican commissioners, said there was no validity to the idea that he or the other Republicans on the commission had buckled to pressure from accountants. He said the commissioners liked Mr. Webster because they were looking for a person with a strong background in law enforcement who would be both tough and independent.

"They will not find Bill Webster to be an easygoing guy," Mr. Atkins said. "He will not be a paper tiger. If they think they are getting a milquetoast guy, they are mistaken."

Officials said that in accepting the offer, Mr. Webster asked that an old friend be appointed to the accounting board. That friend is Robert L. Virgil, a senior executive at Edward D. Jones, the brokerage house, and emeritus professor of accounting and former dean at the John M. Olin School of Business at Washington University in St. Louis. Mr. Virgil met with some agency officials today to discuss the job.

Other people mentioned today for possible board positions include Kayla J. Gillan, a former general counsel of the California Public Employees Retirement System, and Charles D. Niemeier, chief accountant of the enforcement division at the S.E.C. It is not clear whether they have the support of a majority of commissioners.

Mr. Pitt had repeatedly vowed to seek a candidate to lead the board who would garner unanimous support from the commission, particularly because the creation of the new accounting oversight board was viewed as the most important element of the regulatory response to the spate of corporate scandals and plunging stock markets. Mr. Pitt declined to discuss the selection process today.

The commission set a public vote for Friday for the five members of the new board after one of the Democrats at the agency, Harvey J. Goldschmid, objected to a request by Mr. Pitt to conduct a private vote, agency officials said.

Some lawmakers and members of the commission opposing the choice of Mr. Webster said the selection demonstrated that the profession had successfully lobbied to veto the candidacy of Mr. Biggs.

Mr. Biggs drew objections for his repeated advocacy of a variety of proposals and a strong reluctance to delegate authority from the new oversight board to the profession to set auditing standards.

He testified this year that he favored requirements that companies regularly rotate auditors, as his company has. He wanted stronger restrictions to prevent accounting firms from performing both auditing and consulting services for the same clients. And he wanted stricter accounting of stock options awarded as compensation to executives. These positions conflicted with the views of accounting lobbyists who have sought through much of the year to kill or water down tougher regulation.

As a lawyer in private practice, Mr. Pitt represented the top firms and their primary lobbying organization, the American Institute of Certified Public Accountants. He wrote a white paper arguing against stronger oversight of the profession. The two other Republicans, Cynthia A. Glassman and Mr. Atkins, came to the commission after serving as top executives at Ernst & Young and PricewaterhouseCoopers, respectively.

Mr. Webster has had a career in public service dating back to his brief time as a United States attorney in Missouri in 1960 and his appointment to the federal bench 11 years later. He was elevated to the federal appeals court in St. Louis in 1973. President Jimmy Carter appointed him director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation five years later and President Ronald Reagan transferred him to head the Central Intelligence Agency in 1987.

As he contemplated the job, Mr. Webster heard from a lot of people. Democrats, including the two on the commission, urged him not to take it. On Wednesday he received a call from Andrew H. Card Jr., President Bush's chief of staff, who urged him to accept the offer. Claire Buchan, a White House spokeswoman, said Mr. Card had known Mr. Webster for a long time and "knows that he's highly respected."

"He reached out to him to thank him for considering serving," Ms. Buchan said. "The White House would like to see a highly qualified individual who would bring great integrity to the position."

Mr. Webster also sought the advice of Alan Greenspan, chairman of the Federal Reserve and a close friend and tennis partner, an official said. It is not known what advice he received. Before Mr. Webster's name surfaced, Mr. Greenspan and Treasury Secretary Paul H. O'Neill had endorsed Mr. Biggs for the job, a senior government official said.

Officials said the decision to reject Mr. Biggs in favor of Mr. Webster was sharply criticized by the agency's two Democrats, Roel C. Campos and Mr. Goldschmid. They have told colleagues that Mr. Pitt promised them last month to support the candidacy of Mr. Biggs and then backed off that promise after objections were raised by the profession and Mr. Oxley.

Securities experts and Democratic lawmakers said today that partisanship at an agency that is supposed to be independent and has historically not been polarized by politics threatened to undermine the credibility of both the commission and the new accounting board.

"If the commission divides along party lines it would be the death knell for the public acceptance of this body," said Arthur L. Levitt, the former chairman of the commission, in an interview. Mr. Levitt, along with such figures as Paul A. Volcker, the former Fed chairman, and Senator Paul S. Sarbanes, the principal author of the law creating the oversight board, had also strongly endorsed Mr. Biggs.

The deep political divide at the commission arises just as it struggles to regain the confidence of Wall Street. Mr. Pitt has been repeatedly upstaged by more aggressive state prosecutors like New York's attorney general, Eliot Spitzer. Mr. Pitt has also been criticized by some lawmakers as unduly sympathetic to the accounting profession and slow to respond to the emerging corporate crisis facing the markets.

The oversight board has been viewed by lawmakers and experts as essential to restoring confidence in the markets by taking steps to end accounting abuses and reduce the record number of restatements of financial earnings over the last few years.

Known officially as the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board, the new agency has been given a broad mandate to set ethics and conflict-of-interest standards, discipline accountants and conduct annual reviews of the nation's largest accounting firms.

The S.E.C.'s enforcement division was dealing with another problem in a meeting yesterday at the commission's offices in Washington.

Stephen M. Cutler, the commission's director of enforcement, and Mr. Spitzer met with lawyers from 10 big securities firms and proposed changes in stock research on Wall Street. Mr. Spitzer laid out a plan to have the firms pay annual fees to finance research that would be conducted by about 20 independent companies but distributed to investors by the big banks.

The regulators, who are also considering how to punish the firms for allowing their banking interests to influence their investment advice, gave the firms until Wednesday to respond to the proposal.