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Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: TigerPaw who wrote (8437)10/25/2002 1:07:29 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Dead Parrot Society

By PAUL KRUGMAN
Columnist
The New York Times
10/25/02

A few days ago The Washington Post's Dana Milbank wrote an article explaining that for George W. Bush, "facts are malleable." Documenting "dubious, if not wrong" statements on a variety of subjects, from Iraq's military capability to the federal budget, the White House correspondent declared that Mr. Bush's "rhetoric has taken some flights of fancy."

Also in the last few days, The Wall Street Journal reported that "senior officials have referred repeatedly to intelligence . . . that remains largely unverified." The C.I.A.'s former head of counterterrorism was blunter: "Basically, cooked information is working its way into high-level pronouncements." USA Today reports that "pressure has been building on the intelligence agencies to deliberately slant estimates to fit a political agenda."

Reading all these euphemisms, I was reminded of Monty Python's parrot: he's pushing up the daisies, his metabolic processes are history, he's joined the choir invisible. That is, he's dead. And the Bush administration lies a lot.

Let me hasten to say that I don't blame reporters for not quite putting it that way. Mr. Milbank is a brave man, and is paying the usual price for his courage: he is now the target of a White House smear campaign.

That standard response may help you understand how Mr. Bush retains a public image as a plain-spoken man, when in fact he is as slippery and evasive as any politician in memory. Did you notice his recent declaration that allowing Saddam Hussein to remain in power wouldn't mean backing down on "regime change," because if the Iraqi despot meets U.N. conditions, "that itself will signal that the regime has changed"?

The recent spate of articles about administration dishonesty mainly reflects the campaign to sell war with Iraq. But the habit itself goes all the way back to the 2000 campaign, and is manifest on a wide range of issues. High points would include the plan for partial privatization of Social Security, with its 2-1=4 arithmetic; the claim that a tax cut that delivers 40 percent or more of its benefits to the richest 1 percent was aimed at the middle class; the claim that there were 60 lines of stem cells available for research; the promise to include limits on carbon dioxide in an environmental plan.

More generally, Mr. Bush ran as a moderate, a "uniter, not a divider." The Economist endorsed him back in 2000 because it saw him as the candidate better able to transcend partisanship; now the magazine describes him as the "partisan-in-chief."

It's tempting to view all of this merely as a question of character, but it's more than that. There's method in this administration's mendacity.

For the Bush administration is an extremely elitist clique trying to maintain a populist facade. Its domestic policies are designed to benefit a very small number of people — basically those who earn at least $300,000 a year, and really don't care about either the environment or their less fortunate compatriots. True, this base is augmented by some powerful special-interest groups, notably the Christian right and the gun lobby. But while this coalition can raise vast sums, and can mobilize operatives to stage bourgeois riots when needed, the policies themselves are inherently unpopular. Hence the need to reshape those malleable facts.

What remains puzzling is the long-term strategy. Despite Mr. Bush's control of the bully pulpit, he has had little success in changing the public's fundamental views. Before Sept. 11 the nation was growing increasingly dismayed over the administration's hard right turn. Terrorism brought Mr. Bush immense personal popularity, as the public rallied around the flag; but the helium has been steadily leaking out of that balloon.

Right now the administration is playing the war card, inventing facts as necessary, and trying to use the remnants of Mr. Bush's post-Sept. 11 popularity to gain control of all three branches of government. But then what? There is, after all, no indication that Mr. Bush ever intends to move to the center.

So the administration's inner circle must think that full control of the government can be used to lock in a permanent political advantage, even though the more the public learns about their policies, the less it likes them. The big question is whether the press, which is beginning to find its voice, will lose it again in the face of one-party government.

nytimes.com



To: TigerPaw who wrote (8437)10/25/2002 6:26:32 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Tech spending could crawl back to life

By Michael Kanellos
Staff Writer, CNET News.com
October 24, 2002, 4:53 PM PT

news.com.com

Tech spending could accelerate toward the middle of next year, according to a poll of chief information officers, a trend that could benefit Microsoft and a few select companies.
Fifty-one percent of the respondents in the poll conducted by Merrill Lynch said that information technology demand should pick up in the second or third quarter of 2003. Seventy-five North American and 25 European CIOs participated in the poll.

"A number of users pointed to aging equipment and a backlog of user requests for reasons why spending will improve," the study stated.

Microsoft, Cisco Systems, IBM and Dell Computer could be the main beneficiary of this trend, Merrill Lynch added, as all these companies were viewed as becoming more important to the internal operations of the CIOs' companies. Sixty-two percent of the respondents said Microsoft was becoming more important to their business.

By contrast, SAP, EMC, Hewlett-Packard, Sun Microsystems and Electronic Data Systems were seen as becoming less important. Thirty-one percent of the respondents, for instance, said HP was becoming less important, while only 28 percent said it was becoming more important.

Thirty-four percent said storage giant EMC is becoming less significant, compared with 22 percent who said the company is gaining in prominence. The "more important, less important" weightings have been predictive, sometimes, of future buying patterns, Merrill Lynch said.

Still, the future looks somewhat rocky. Although Microsoft had the strongest poll numbers of any company in the survey, reducing software costs was an issue respondents felt most strongly about. Large companies are increasingly using their power to negotiate lower software license fees. This past year, Microsoft has been embroiled in a controversy over its new licensing plan that effectively forces customers to accelerate purchases.



To: TigerPaw who wrote (8437)10/29/2002 1:14:47 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
The Chairman Joins the Lobbyists


By Sebastian Mallaby
The Washington Post
Monday, October 28, 2002

Early last summer, when post-Enron legislation was blocked in the Senate, reformers were fed up with Sen. Paul Sarbanes (D-Md.). As chairman of the Senate Banking Committee, Sarbanes was supposed to get a bill past the accounting lobby and on to the Senate floor; he appeared to be failing. The right tactic, most reformers thought, was to name and shame the senators who were siding with the lobbyists. But Sarbanes refused to go personal or public. He carried on in his consensual way, discreet, soft-spoken and courtly.

So it's not a small matter that Sarbanes has now gone personal and public, demanding the resignation of Harvey Pitt, the chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission. Other senators, who weigh their words less cautiously, called for Pitt's resignation long ago. But Sarbanes only says such things when the case becomes overwhelming.

This, unfortunately, is a fair way to describe the case against Pitt after last week's astonishing performance. In his bungled effort to implement the post-Enron accounting reform, Pitt has not merely been incompetent. He has not merely bowed to the accounting lobbyists whom he is meant to regulate. He has been very nearly dishonest.

On Sept. 11 this year, Pitt had lunch with John Biggs, the head of a big pension fund, and asked him to apply for the chairmanship of the new audit oversight body that is the core of the post-Enron legislation. According to Harvey Goldschmid, another SEC commissioner who was present, Pitt said to Biggs, "I will support you." There was no doubt in Goldschmid's mind, nor in Biggs's either, that this meant Pitt would support Biggs above all other candidates.

On Friday, however, Pitt strongly implied that none of this had happened. "I know what took place at that meeting and it isn't worth getting into a refutation of the specifics," Pitt declared at an open session of the SEC.

"But let it be said that at some point for reasons that I don't understand efforts were begun to create a false impression. A false impression first that Mr. Biggs had been offered, promised, assured, guaranteed, a position."

Literally speaking, such an impression would indeed be false. Biggs was not assured or guaranteed the job, since he needed to speak to the other SEC commissioners before getting it. But Biggs was assured of Pitt's support, which effectively meant that the job was his -- as it would have been, indeed, if Pitt had not reversed himself after the accounting lobby mounted a campaign against Biggs's appointment. How do we know that Pitt promised this support? We have Goldschmid's word. We have Biggs's word. And we have the fact that Biggs arranged to leave his job early in order to make himself available, a step he would not have taken if he had doubted Pitt's intentions.

So while Pitt denounces others for creating a "false impression," it looks as though he's the one who's doing that. And doing it in the most brazen way, from his chairman's perch at an open meeting of the SEC, with the TV cameras running.

Given Pitt's efforts to mislead us on this score, why should we believe the other things he says, notably that pleas from the accounting lobby or Republicans in no way influenced his U-turn on Biggs's candidacy? There is, after all, no good alternative explanation for Pitt's reversal, as Biggs was easily the most qualified contender.

Pitt himself declared on Friday that Biggs had excellent credentials. But he claimed that William H. Webster, the ex FBI and CIA chief whom he eventually backed, was even better. This is just not credible. Under the law, the chairman of the new audit overseer is supposed to understand accounting and the role of auditors. Though he is extremely distinguished, Webster has only a general grasp of these issues -- so general in fact that one SEC commissioner speculated that his appointment might provoke a legal challenge.

Given that Pitt's explanation of his actions makes no sense, it's hard to avoid the conclusion that the accounting lobby, operating through the House Republican caucus, did indeed sway his decision. Pitt says that "at no time since this process began has any member of the accounting industry . . . or any member of the Republican Party sought to influence my judgment." But Pitt visited Rep. Michael Oxley (R-Ohio), a leading ally of the accounting industry, on Sept. 26. Are we to believe that they discussed the weather?

The rap against Pitt used to be that he opposed serious audit reform, even though Enron, WorldCom, Adelphia and other scandals made the case for reform obvious. But now the rap has gotten worse. As well as holding damaging but honest views, Pitt's sincerity must be doubted. If Pitt won't take Sarbanes's advice, President Bush needs to replace him.

© 2002 The Washington Post Company

washingtonpost.com