SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: JohnM who wrote (55345)10/29/2002 12:13:01 AM
From: bela_ghoulashi  Respond to of 281500
 
Perhaps.

I should add, in the interest of full disclosure, that I do believe it's okay to criticize the French for being French.



To: JohnM who wrote (55345)10/29/2002 1:43:00 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 281500
 
Can't generate much interest in South America here, but the latest Brazilian Election is interesting. The election of a Leftist Union Leader would have got the response from me, 20 years ago, of, "A 'People's State' takeover and the American Banks are screaming, it's right out of 'Atlas Shrugged.' " But even these Latin Leftists have now learned that they are at the mercy of "Those Damn Bond Traders!" Here is the conversation about it on "Leherer" tonight.

MARGARET WARNER: For more, we turn to Paulo Sotero, Washington correspondent for the Brazilian newspaper o Estado de Sao Paulo. Kristin Forbes, a former deputy assistant treasury secretary in the Bush administration and now a professor at the Sloan School at M.I.T., and Tony Avirgan, international policy coordinator at the Economic Policy Institute in Washington. Welcome to you all.

Why, Paulo Sotero, did Lula de Silva win this so handily?

PAULO SOTERO, O Estado de Sao Paulo Newspaper: Well, he expresses I think a desire for change in Brazil, Brazil is a very unequal society. Here you have a former metal worker that has organized, revolutionized the trade union movement in Brazil in the 70s, that has organized the political party in Brazil, that has tried to be president of Brazil three times before, and that has finally given the chance.

There is a great desire for change to give the representatives of the people an opportunity to run the country. The irony and the challenge of this is that he represents change. But he does not necessarily represent repudiation of the many things, many progresses that have been achieved in the last 10, 15 years in terms of democratization and economic reform in Brazil.

MARGARET WARNER: Mr. Avirgan, many observers at least in the North here have looked on his growing popularity as representing the Brazilian public's repudiation of a lot of these reforms, the free market policies and so on of both the IMF and his predecessor, is that correct? Should we read them that way?

TONY AVIRGAN, Economic Policy Institute: Definitely it's correct. The unemployment in Brazil is enormous; there's 20 percent in Sao Paulo and 50 percent in the forest area of the country, the northeast. It has about the worst, the second worst now economic distribution in the country, where the top 10 percent of the population takes about 60 percent of the gross domestic product. And it's just a terrible situation. And I think people are showing that they're upset with it, they want change.

MARGARET WARNER: But are they saying that Cardoso and those policies didn't deliver --

TONY AVIRGAN: They certainly didn't deliver; they certainly didn't deliver. The situation has gotten worse. Unemployment has risen. And people need jobs, they need to work in order to make a living and to improve the country.

MARGARET WARNER: Kristin Forbes, tell us how the international financial markets are responding to this, and also explain why it is important how Wall Street sees him.

KRISTIN FORBES, Massachusetts Institute of Technology: Well, the international financial markets initially were very concerned when it looked as if Lula would win the election. The past few days, however, has been a step back in the financial markets. The markets have improved somewhat for Brazil. And right now there's almost a bit of a honeymoon period. The markets have sort of taken a step back and they are waiting to see what Lula's next move is. In particular they're waiting to see who he will appoint as president of the central bank, and as the chief economist in the finance ministry.

MARGARET WARNER: But when you say the markets and the markets are giving him a honeymoon, what does that really mean, explain to someone who doesn't understand why the international markets are so important to Brazil.

KRISTIN FORBES: The markets are so important to Brazil mainly because of Brazil's public debt structure. Brazil has a tremendous amount of public debt outstanding, about $260 billion. And much of that debt is linked to interest rates, about 40 percent of the debt is linked to interest rates in Brazil. And therefore the cost of servicing that part of the debt fluctuates with interest rates in Brazil, and then about another third of the debt is linked to the value of Brazil's currency. Therefore, every time investors begin to worry about Brazil and sell the currency or sell investments in Brazil, interest rates go up and the currency, the real, depreciated; both which increase the value of the debt and make it much harder for Brazil to just continue day-to-day service of its debt.

MARGARET WARNER: So Mr. Sotero, what are the promises he made in this campaign that he really has to deliver on or risk alienating the people who voted for him?

PAULO SOTERO: Well, his promise for more economic growth, greater, the more jobs, higher paying jobs, more opportunity for people, and immediately to attack the problem of bad nutrition, hunger, in some forms of Brazil. Now, he has done this very realistically. Lula has during the campaign at the final stages of the campaign saying our first year is going to be very difficult.

Today in his speech in Sao Paulo, he said that you should not expect miracles, and he reaffirmed the basic tenants of the policy he ran against. Basically one, inflation low, fiscal responsibility -- which is something by the way that his party, the workers party, has done very well in the states and in the 190 cities that the workers party manage in Brazil -- and also honoring contracts, with the IMF, with the international banks and also internal contracts. In addition to that, Lula has said that he is going to pursue some reforms, structural reforms of the economy, fiscal reform, Social Security reform, labor laws reform that are absolutely fundamental for stability, progress and economic growth in Brazil.

MARGARET WARNER: All right, Mr. Avrigan, if we just take the really big promises, they all sound like they involve spending money. Can he deliver on those promises without violating the requirements of this -- for instance, this IMF loan that he agreed to abide by in the summer?

TONY AVIRGAN: Well, what we can do is look, as just mentioned, at the cities that the workers party already has been running, some of them for 15 years. And if you, the group that we work with in Brazil has put out this book that highlights the studies, the economic and social conditions, and if you look city by city, the cities that are run by the workers party have the top, the best performance in every category. And there's a lot of things that don't cost money, there's things like in Port Olegre in Brazil, they have a participatory process where people in the neighborhoods actually determine the city budget.That doesn't cost anything. Those kinds of things can be done.

And there's ways, Brazil is a potentially very rich country, it has a terrible tax collection system. There could be reforms of the tax system to actually bring in revenues, even if they adopted the U.S. tax system, which is criticized by leftists, even if they adopted something like that, it would provide an enormous amount of money for things like education and nutrition and worker training, and that's possible, Brazil is rich enough.

MARGARET WARNER: Ms. Forbes, what's your view of that of whether he can deliver without spending the kind of money that he's promised not to spend now?

KRISTIN FORBES: I'm not as optimistic. I think the first priorities for Lula are going to be getting the economy in shape and convincing investors he will not spend too much and that he will stick to the very tight fiscal surplus promise to the IMF in order to keep the finances from the IMF flowing. And that means it's going to be very, very difficult to increase spending on a lot of the public works projects that Lula did talk about in his election campaign. The one reform that was just mentioned that I think is promising, though, is reforming the tax structure. I think by simplifying the tax structure there is room to not substantially reduce revenues, but promote growth.
Brazil's economy and the United States

MARGARET WARNER: Mr. Sotero, another thing he really laid out, a position very different from the U.S., which is on this idea of a free trade for the Americas, and he essentially said that could amount to annexation by the United States, critical of the fact that the big industrialized countries seem to want countries like Brazil to open their markets, but don't open their markets in return. What do you think, what position do you think he's going to take on that?

PAUL SOTERO: Well, again, he announced today that Brazil will be at the table, Brazil is going to negotiate -- is going to negotiate very, very hard, as the current government would. The fact is that if the United States and the industrialized countries do not open up its markets to Brazil, in areas that we are competitive, there is not going to be an FTA. And that is not with Lula, with any government from the right for left, and Brazil would be the same.

One of the greatest things that's happening in Brazil today, Brazil is a democracy. We have a congress. We have people to consult. The president of Brazil cannot do what he wants. He will have to negotiate, like the president here, in consultation with congress. So if the United States doesn't walk the walk of free trade, only talks about it, there is not going to be an FTAN. In the meantime, Brazil will be at the table, and Lula said today we'll negotiate.

MARGARET WARNER: All right. Mr. Avirgan and Ms. Forbes, briefly before we go, what's at stake for the United States in his ability to deliver here in his success?

TONY AVIRGAN: Well, I think if the United States took an enlightened position and realized that as long as there's such economic disparity in Latin American countries there's going to be instability in the region, if they took that position, then the United States has a lot to gain by what might happen in Brazil over the next few years but unfortunately I don't think that too many people in this government take that position.

MARGARET WARNER: Ms. Forbes, explain the stake the U.S. has in all this.

KRISTIN FORBES: From an economic viewpoint, U.S. companies have invested billions of dollars in Brazil. Your standard American companies from Coca-Cola to McDonald's have taken losses already in Brazil. Major U.S. banks such as Citibank and Fleet Bank Boston have significant exposure to Brazil. So if the situation in Brazil continues to deteriorate, that's going to hit the bottom line of a number of large U.S. companies.

MARGARET WARNER: All right. Ms. Forbes, gentlemen, thank you all.



To: JohnM who wrote (55345)10/29/2002 3:13:58 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 281500
 
Those Peace-Loving Palestinians
"Masked men" from Yasser Arafat's Fatah movement "shot dead a woman in Nablus on Friday night after accusing her of collaboration with Israel," the Jerusalem Post reports:

Haifa Sultan, 39, is the third woman to be executed in the West Bank for similar charges in recent months.

Witnesses said Sultan was dragged out of her home in the Nablus casbah Friday night by a group of Fatah gunmen who told passersby and neighbors that she was accused of collaboration with Israel. "She shouted and cried that she was innocent but they shot her in the head and she died instantly," a resident of the casbah told The Jerusalem Post.

Arafat won a Nobel Peace Prize in 1994.

Someone please remind us: Why exactly would the world be better off if Arafat's Palestinian Authority had the power of an actual country?
_____________________________________________________________

The Reuterville Multiplier
A bunch of idiots got together Saturday in Washington. Or, as the Washington Post puts it, "demonstrators by the hundreds gathered . . . for what organizers pledged would be a loud, angry but nonviolent protest march against President Bush's pre-emptive war policies." Reuters, however, puts the number of protesters in the "tens of thousands." Which goes to prove what we've long suspected: There are a lot of extra zeros hanging around the Reuters newsroom.
opinionjournal.com



To: JohnM who wrote (55345)10/29/2002 3:24:03 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
Will wonders never cease? I am posting an article from "Mother Jones!"

Who Will Lead?
An antiwar movement is finally, thankfully stirring. But the ideology-bound leaders of that movement are steering it away from the millions of Americans whose concerns and ambivalence might fuel it.

Todd Gitlin
October 14, 2002

The odds of one or another catastrophe in the short, middle, or long run are terribly high, and the chances of a smooth, slick, low-cost, high-gain victory are terribly low. Surely, the moment cries out for a smart, extensive, inclusive popular movement against the gangbusters approach that the Bush administration favors. Surely, the sobriety and skepticism of the American people deserve organization and mobilization.

Might this nascent antiwar movement be that redemptive moment, when the national conscience surges into the streets to take over where a supine Congress stands aside? Unhappily, no. This movement is far too weak and provincial to stop the coming war.

What a smart movement could do is put out the markers, create the organizational networks, and establish the foundation on which a more substantial antiwar movement might later be built. Alas, that is also unlikely.

The leadership of the current antiwar movement is building a firebreak around itself, turning the movement toward the bitter-end orthodoxy of the Old Left and away from the millions of Americans whose honest concerns and ambivalence might fuel it. If antiwar sentiment turns out to have any impact on the course of events, it will probably be despite the organized protests, and not because of them.

I spoke at an antiwar rally outside the UN on September 12, the same day that President Bush, inside, addressed the General Assembly. The turnout was ragged, 300 or so. But the numbers weren't the most dismaying aspect of that gathering. The signs were.

Most of the printed placards held by the protesters said 'NO SANCTIONS, NO BOMBING.' The international sanctions against Iraq have been a humanitarian disaster for the country's civilians. But doesn't Saddam Hussein bear some responsibility for that disaster? Must that not be noted? The bombing -- US and UK attacks in the no-fly zones of northern and southern Iraq -- are taking place under the auspices of a mission to protect Iraqi Kurds in the north and Iraqi Shiites in the south. Again, the Iraqi leader bears responsibility; Washington and London have made a credible case for the no-fly-zone sorties because and only because Saddam Hussein has trampled these long-suffering people in more ways than there is room to describe in this space.

Those picket signs are emblematic of a refusal to face a grotesque world. They express a near-total unwillingness to rebuke Saddam Hussein, and a rejection of any conceivable rationale for using force. The left-wing sectarians who promote 'NO SANCTIONS, NO BOMBING' don't want the US, or anyone, to lift a finger on behalf of the Kurds -- to whom you might think we have a special responsibility, since our government invited them to rise up in 1991.

Now, those same cynics of the hard left have moved to the front of the current anti-war movement. The sponsors of what's being billed as a national anti-war demonstration in Washington on October 26, and their eminence grise, Ramsey Clark, express no displeasure with Saddam Hussein. Their world is two-toned and, as with the Old Left at its worst, it's always clear who's wearing the black hats. (Ramsey Clark belongs to the International Committee to Defend Slobodan Milosevic, after all.)

This will not play in Peoria. It does not deserve to play in Washington.

Clark and others of his mindset are not only morally tainted, they're doomed. And the antiwar movement is doomed if they are allowed to lead it. Liberal-left antiwarriors need to be out-front patriots if they expect to draw the attention and the support of Americans at large.

Many are the compelling arguments against Bush's preventive war. For one thing, it would boost the odds that Saddam Hussein will use weapons of mass destruction either in the Middle East or, if he can manage it, in the United States. That risk and others are not hard for Americans to grasp. But these arguments are not made by self-proclaimed anti-imperialists who seem to have little to no interest in the security of Americans or the world. (If you think I exaggerate, take a look at the www.internationalanswer.org.)

Marc Cooper, that rare journalist of the left who calls know-nothings by their proper name, put it bluntly and well in the Los Angeles Times on September 29 ("A Smart Peace Movement Is MIA"), writing that "If the left is not for war against Hussein and is also opposed to economic sanctions, what is it for? If the left is for containment instead of invasion, then isn't it the U. S. armed forces that must do the containing? ... If, at the end of the day, Hussein does foil weapons inspections, what is to be done then?"

To the unswerving Ramsey Clarks of the world, such questions are trivial or worse. So how did they end up at the front of the antiwar parade? In part, it's because they're always ready, and because they always have the same answer to every question: US Out of Everywhere. In part, it's because they're organized. They stay "on message" -- a horrible political phrase to describe the discipline of fanatics. In part it's because other antiwar groups, chiefly pacifists, are grateful simply to have company in resisting the stampede.

Where is the party of sense? Now that the Democrats having caved in -- most are too calculating by half -- who will mobilize the millions of Americans who think the Bush doctrine is dangerous, but are sure to flee left-wing pieties? Will the silent majority of American antiwarriors stand up?

Those who care about global peace and security, and reject preventive or preemptive war as the means to achieve it, should be organizing teach-ins -- real teach-ins. They should be holding debates, not rallies of the faithful, mouthing nonsensical slogans.

Todd Gitlin is a professor of journalism and sociology at Columbia University. His most recent book is .Media Unlimited: How the Torrent of Images and Sounds Overwhelms Our Lives. Next spring, Basic Books will publish his Letters to a Young Activist.
mojones.com