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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: JohnM who wrote (60996)12/10/2002 11:51:57 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
I've been putting off the every five year, more serious, bit.


Don't! I had colon cancer back in 87 and had a complete recovery. People die of it all the time, and it is totally preventable if you get a colonoscopy every 5 years, (In my case, every two.) I don't mind the exam so much, but drinking that damn gallon of solution the night before is enough to gag a maggot!



To: JohnM who wrote (60996)12/11/2002 12:11:07 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
Sandy Berger is "Good to Go." But only if everybody else joins us.

washingtonpost.com
Demonstrate Iraq's Deception

By Samuel R. Berger

Wednesday, December 11, 2002; Page A33

With Iraq's weapons declaration and its repeated assertions that it does not possess weapons of mass destruction, some now argue that we should, after digesting the declaration, immediately go to the U.N. Security Council, declare material breach and go to war along with whoever will join us. Others prefer to give the inspectors however long they need, perhaps in hopes that the day of reckoning will never come. Both approaches are wrong.

The threat posed by Saddam Hussein is real, particularly as he develops nuclear weapons. A nuclear Iraq would change the power equation in a vital region in ways that are dangerous and strategically unacceptable to the United States -- and it is highly unlikely Hussein will give up these programs voluntarily.

If the threat is real, however, so are the risks of military action. We can hope for the best -- a swift assault that decapitates Hussein's regime before missiles are launched or oil fields exploded; crumbling support from his military; manageable rumblings in the region; a joyous population, and the establishment of a government that has broad legitimacy throughout the country.

But we must be prepared for more difficult contingencies, any of which is possible: biological or chemical weapons launched against our troops; similar attacks against Israel, causing the conflict to break along an Israeli-Arab fault line; more serious disruption in the region -- at worst, regime change in Pakistan or Jordan; increased terrorism directed against American interests; conflict between Turkey and the Kurds. There also is the prospect of U.S. involvement in post-Hussein Iraq that is messy, brutish and long, as we face civil unrest, a million already-misplaced persons inside Iraq seeking to return to homes that have since been occupied, deconstruction of major Iraqi institutions now in the hands of regime officials, and a struggle for power among various claimants, internal and external.

All these risks are substantially increased if this conflict is seen in the region as essentially a U.S.-British enterprise. Conversely, the risks are greatly diminished if the conflict is seen as an international coalition confronting Hussein, as in the Gulf War. And those perceptions will turn in no small measure on how we handle the Iraqi declaration in the days and weeks ahead.

Iraq has drawn its line in the sand. American and other analysts now will review the declaration against previous Iraqi declarations, gaps that were unaccounted for when the inspectors were expelled in 1998, information from defectors and our continually accumulating intelligence. Based on our assessment of the most apparent discrepancies, we must share at least selective intelligence with the inspectors and press them to give urgent priority to targets of greatest opportunity and concern, using all the authority they have.

We should not accept an endless, desultory inspection process. The Security Council has given these inspectors sweeping authority, including to interview Iraqi weapons experts, out of the country if appropriate. We must insist it be used robustly, focusing on the most glaring gaps and inconsistencies to reinforce our own case of Iraqi deception. The burden of proof is on Iraq, and there it must remain. Inspectors, for example, can demand from Iraq, in specific instances, credible evidence to account for weapons that Iraq previously acknowledged it had but now claims, without proof, have been destroyed. Inspectors cannot assemble all the pieces of the puzzle. They cannot disarm an intransigent Iraq. But they can help establish that Hussein has no interest in the puzzle being solved, exposing Iraq's intransigence for all the world to see.

If we use a sweeping inspection regime we were instrumental in creating to help demonstrate Iraq's deception -- rather than proceed on the basis of national assertions alone -- we will strengthen the legitimacy and broaden the support for military action that may be necessary, whether or not a second Security Council resolution is possible. A military assault on Iraq would still carry risks and burdens, and it is incumbent on the administration to discuss them forthrightly with the American people. But it would be far better if those costs were broadly shared, not sharply and most dangerously focused on us.

In his press conference after the Security Council resolution was adopted, President Bush said the question of Iraqi disarmament no longer was "whether" but "how." The issue now is how we use all the information and tools at our disposal to demonstrate Iraq's deception, not just assert it, so that if necessary, we confront Iraq with the broadest coalition, and at the least risk possible.

The writer was President Clinton's national security adviser.



To: JohnM who wrote (60996)12/11/2002 12:15:08 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 281500
 
A serious (No sarcasm) column from Kelly about our favorite subject, John.

washingtonpost.com
Left Everlasting

By Michael Kelly

Wednesday, December 11, 2002; Page A33

In its search for What Went Wrong, liberalism has decided to admit that it has a problem. Surprisingly, the problem is us -- the news media. We went wrong, or rather, right. We went and became conservative.

"The media is kind of weird these days on politics, and there are some major institutional voices that are, truthfully speaking, part and parcel of the Republican Party," explains Al Gore. "Most of the media [has] been slow to recognize the pervasive impact of this fifth column in their ranks -- that is, day after day, injecting the daily Republican talking points into the definition of what's objective as stated by the news media as a whole."

What Gore believes, it has become clear, is a new liberal group wisdom: The liberal media are no more; the national press, wittingly or not, now presents the news with a conservative slant.

"The legend of the liberal media is finally dead," announces liberal New York Observer columnist Joe Conason.

"Sooner or later, I think we're all going to have to acknowledge that the myth of the liberal bias in the press is just that, it's a myth," affirms liberal Time magazine columnist Jack White.

The true "new bias" of the media, reports liberal Washington Post columnist E.J. Dionne Jr., "adds up to [a] media heavily biased toward conservative politics and conservative politicians."

Indeed, agrees Democratic National Committee official Ann Lewis, "the idea of a 'liberal media' is a myth, and any of us could explode that myth in many ways."

"Al Gore said the obvious," writes the liberal New York Times columnist Paul Krugman, who now commonly refers to "the liberal media" with sarcastic quotation marks.

Let's begin by considering the "major institutional voices" that Gore named as driving the entire national media rightward, ho.

There are precisely three, all openly conservative: Fox News Channel, radio talk show host Rush Limbaugh and the Washington Times.

Fox News has surpassed CNN as the news leader on cable, with, as of last week, 800,000 viewers to CNN's 600,000. The evening broadcasts of NBC, ABC, CBS and PBS were viewed last week by, respectively, 11.4 million, 10.5 million, 8.8 million and 2.7 million people. In addition, there are the tens of millions who weekly watch the networks' morning shows and news magazine shows.

The Washington Times has a daily circulation of 109,000. The top 10 newspapers in America -- USA Today, the Wall Street Journal, the New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, The Washington Post, the (New York) Daily News, the Chicago Tribune, the New York Post and Newsday -- reach roughly 9.8 million people daily. The second 10 largest newspapers reach another 4.3 million readers a day.

Rush Limbaugh's radio show reaches upward of 14.5 million listeners a week. (Fellow right-wing talker Sean Hannity reaches upward of 10 million.) The news magazine programs of National Public Radio draw a combined total of almost 17.2 million people a week. With 714 member stations, NPR can reach 99 percent of the population with its two most carried programs, "Morning Edition" and "All Things Considered."

The news organizations listed above make up the heart of the national news media, to which could be added the Associated Press, with 6,700 subscribing news organizations in America, the weekly newsmagazines, with their combined circulation of 9.3 million, and the "serious" and "thought-leader" magazines, with a few more million subscribers. Gore's "major institutional voices" are in fact minor (although frequently loud) voices in a very large symphony.

And this symphony has long been considered to be liberal -- that is, first of all, largely populated by liberals and, second, often presenting the news from a liberal point of view. Has this been true? Is this still true?

As to the first, there is no question that journalists as a group are much more liberal than conservative and much more so than the general public. The independent media analyst S. Robert Lichter looked at 10 major surveys on the political beliefs and voting patterns of mainstream print and broadcast journalists from 1962 to 1996. As Lichter writes, "the pattern of results is compelling." The percentage of journalists who were classified as "liberals" were, survey to survey: 57, 53, 59, 42, 54, 50, 32, 55, 22 and 61. The percentage classified as "conservative," survey by survey: 28, 17, 18, 19, 17, 21, 12, 17, 5 and 9. Voting patterns and findings on specific issues (for instance, regarding abortion, gun control or taxes) have consistently mirrored these general attitudes.

Surveys since have shown no overall change in this dynamic. A 1996 survey of 1,037 reporters at 61 newspapers found 61 percent self-identified as "Democrat or liberal" or "lean to Democrat or liberal," vs. only 15 percent Republican or leaning Republican. A 2001 survey of 301 "media professionals" by Princeton Survey Research Associates found 25 percent self-identified as "liberal," 59 percent as "moderate" and only 6 percent as "conservative."

Next week: Does a (still) largely liberal news media (still) exhibit a largely liberal bias? Or not?
washingtonpost.com



To: JohnM who wrote (60996)12/11/2002 12:37:59 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
Anne Hull, of the Washington Post, has just published a four part series in that paper that is a laydown, IMO, for a Pulitzer. I suggest you all read it. Synopsis:

According to the 2000 census, 256,563 foreign-born people arrived in metropolitan Atlanta between 1990 and the end of the century, changing an historically white and black society. This series tells four stories out of the thousands, focusing on immigrants who were coming of age on the rim of a new world. It is based on in-depth reporting that spanned 18 months, along with interviews with teachers, students, police, prosecutors, social workers, sociologists, public health officials, and demographers.

washingtonpost.com



To: JohnM who wrote (60996)12/11/2002 1:39:06 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
Disco Dick Cheney

By MAUREEN DOWD
Columnist
The New York Times
December 11, 2002


WASHINGTON - Some hush-hush bang-bang is going on at the vice president's house: big blasts twice a day, morning and night, that cause the whole neighborhood to quake and shake.

Rattled neighbors cannot learn what's going on at Mr. Cheney's Disclosed Location from the Navy, which maintains the official residence on the grounds of the Naval Observatory.

"We're doing infrastructure improvements and utility upgrades," says the Navy's Cate Mueller.

If Dick Cheney won't tell us which energy fat cats drew up our energy policy, he's not going to tell us why we're paying to renovate his pad.

The construction, which could last 16 months, is related to "national security and homeland defense," according to a letter from the observatory's superintendent printed in The Washington Post.

I'd say we have four possibilities:

1. Mr. Cheney is building a giant vault. Now that a judge appointed by the president says that anything the vice president does can be kept secret, there is even more incentive for him to run the government so everything can be secret and stored away in the vault.

2. He's suffering from a bad case of bunker envy and wants a command center and bunker like the president's in the White House and Rummy's in the Pentagon.

3. He's digging a tunnel in case he has his priorities backward and we should be more concerned with Al Qaeda than Iraq. A secret tunnel at his house could easily feed into the secret tunnel at the nearby Russian Embassy leading up to a safe house; the tunnel was built in the late 1970's by the F.B.I. and National Security Agency to eavesdrop on Russian diplomats, and abandoned after the Russians found out about it from the F.B.I. counterspy Robert Hanssen.

4. He's constructing an underground disco. If he appears in a Travolta white suit and gold chains, his desire to replicate the Gerald Ford era would be realized.

It's a mystery why President Bush doesn't want to stock his cabinet with his contemporaries from Yale, Harvard and Texas, rather than retreads from the wilted salad days when Cheney and Rummy were ruling the Ford White House.

On Monday Mr. Bush again heeded Mr. Cheney and chose a Ford official to be Treasury secretary (replacing the Ford official who was just fired from the job) to work with the Ford official who is Fed chairman.

Yesterday he chose an old Ford hand as head of the S.E.C. And we have the recrudescence of the secretary of state under Ford and Nixon, Henry Kissinger.

Ford was the Fillmore of our time. His administration was famous for its hapless economic policy, fighting inflation with marketing, passing out those silly little buttons that read WIN (Whip Inflation Now). What do we remember of that era except the pardoning of Nixon, the fall of Saigon and the falls of Chevy Chase?

The lasting mark of that White House was tamping down the post-Watergate zeal for truth, containing Congressional and media investigations into C.I.A. abuses such as assassinations of foreign leaders and F.B.I. overreaching on infiltrating civil rights groups.

It was in that battle that the Ford alumni — Rummy, Cheney & Kissy — forged their worldview that the greatest threat to the country was the prying eyes of the public, the press and Congress.

Trent Lott may want to turn the clock back to Jim Crow. Mr. Cheney just wants to go back to a time before Vietnam and Watergate, when there was more government secrecy and less moral relativism.

The administration is chockablock with people who kept the public and Congress in the dark on foreign intrigue. Adm. John Poindexter, who took the fall for Iran-contra, is now in charge of expanding the universe of secrets to include dossiers at the Pentagon on every living American, under the Orwellian heading of Office of Information Awareness.

Elliott Abrams, who misled Congress on Iran-contra and was pardoned by the first President Bush, is in charge of the Middle East for the second President Bush. Otto Reich, who worked with Ollie North and ran the covert program to get public support for the contras, now runs Latin American policy.

Maybe instead of worrying about American children who don't do history lessons, we should worry about American presidents who don't care about the lessons of history.

nytimes.com



To: JohnM who wrote (60996)12/11/2002 3:14:38 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
White House steps over the line

By HELEN THOMAS
Columnist
HEARST NEWSPAPERS
Wednesday, December 11, 2002

WASHINGTON -- President Bush's aides must stay awake at night thinking of new ways to intrude on the privacy of once-free Americans. These officials simply won't stop overreaching, will they?

Whenever they come up with one of their big-brother schemes to invade every facet of our life, they package it as just another pain-free way to fight terrorism.

First there was the infamous proposal that the Justice Department create a Terrorism Information and Prevention System in which delivery people, truck drivers and letter carriers as well as local gossips would spy on folks in the neighborhood and report to the FBI.

This foolish plot had the ring of Nazi Germany in the '30s and '40s. Fortunately, the plan generated so much outrage that the administration withdrew it.

Now comes the Pentagon's Total Information Awareness Office, which until recently had operated secretly as a part of the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency at the Pentagon.

TIA's grandiose mission is just what its name implies: to find out everything about us -- what magazines we read, what credit card purchases we make, what doctors and hospitals we visit, what medicines we take, what trips we book, what bank checks we write. Then TIA plans to file the data onto what the Pentagon calls a "virtual, centralized grand database."

Scary, isn't it?

Even scarier is the fact that the director of this Orwellian vision is, of all people, John Poindexter.

Remember him? He was President Reagan's national security adviser who was convicted in 1990 of lying to Congress, destroying official documents and obstructing congressional investigations into the Iran-Contra affair.

That mid-1980s scandal, which Poindexter helped mastermind, involved secret arms sales to Iran and diversion of the profits to help the so-called Contra rebels in Nicaragua. His conviction was overturned in 1991 by an appeals court because the government relied on the testimony he gave Congress after it had granted him immunity from prosecution.

In January Poindexter quietly returned to government, moving into the Pentagon without any fanfare. That's understandable. With his record of deceit, why should he be back in government? Is he the best that this administration has to offer?

Poindexter told The Washington Post that information awareness systems being developed would create a global computer that could gather data on travel to risky areas, suspicious e-mails, bizarre fund transfers and unusual medical activities, such as treatments for anthrax-induced sores.

In other words, no closet would be too remote and no skeleton in it too small to escape the eagle eye of the all-knowing global computer system.

Yet isn't it fascinating that in all this personal-information gathering, the records of gun buyers will be off-limits. That's the way the National Rifle Association wants it. And one of the gun lobby's proudest picks for government service, Attorney General John Ashcroft, agrees. The NRA commands, and the Ashcroft Justice Department genuflects.

Phil Kent, president of the conservative Southeastern Legal Foundation, an Atlanta-based public interest law firm, said the TIA program, which the government hopes to have up and running in 2007, would be an "unprecedented electronic dragnet." It would give "carte blanche to eavesdrop on Americans on the flimsiest of evidence, if any evidence at all."

Kent also told the Washington Times that it is "the most sweeping threat to civil liberties since Japanese American internment."

In the wake of Sept. 11 we Americans have had to struggle to hang onto our basic civil rights and liberties. Fear has made too many of us capitulate to those who would take away the freedoms we have cherished for so long.

We must speak out to uphold the U.S. Constitution before it's too late.

I don't believe government bureaucrats should know -- or need to know -- that much personal information about us. We should tell them: It's none of your business.

And by the way, while you're snooping, why don't you find out something we would all like to know: Where is Osama bin Laden anyway?

Helen Thomas is a columnist for Hearst Newspapers. E-mail: helent@hearstdc.com. Copyright 2002 Hearst Newspapers.

seattlepi.nwsource.com



To: JohnM who wrote (60996)12/11/2002 5:00:43 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
~OT~...Couldn't we have found a better candidate for Treasury Secretary...??

Snow Job

President Bush appoints yet another phony businessman, this time as treasury secretary.

By Daniel Gross
Slate
Updated Tuesday, December 10, 2002, at 2:36 PM PT

slate.msn.com

<<...As a businessman, however, Snow was mostly a bust. He successfully lobbied to have CSX gain a huge chunk of Conrail but then botched the execution of the merger. He also managed to have Washington block a merger of the Burlington Northern Santa Fe Corp. and Canadian National Railway Co. and forestalled efforts by freight customers to obtain better bargaining terms. But all that didn't translate into much for shareholders. In the past decade, CSX's stock is off 17 percent while the S&P 500 is up 111 percent. Snow is leaving the company with more debt than it has had at any time in the past seven years. Today CSX has difficulty generating sufficient cash to meet all its obligations. And this is the man President Bush has hired to manage the nation's debt? As Jesse Eisinger sharply notes in today's Wall Street Journal: "Mr. Snow is clearly a guy who understands deficit spending."

Snow was also a champ when it came to executive compensation. In 12 years, as CSX shareholders experienced minimal returns, Snow took home at least $50 million. In 1996, he borrowed $25 million in company funds to buy stock. But when shares fell sharply, the company undid the loan in 2000. (So much for risk-taking.) Last year, when CSX underperformed all its railroad peers, he was paid $10.1 million. And he's not done. As the company's most recent proxy reads: "Mr. Snow will be provided with certain employee benefits and perquisites including office space and secretarial support, maintenance of country club memberships, executive physicals, discounts at The Greenbrier, and use of private aircraft for the remainder of his life."

Snow may yet prove a brilliant treasury secretary. After all, the skills required are as much diplomatic and bureaucratic as they are managerial. But his elevation to the high-profile post, and the appointment of a stand-out like Donaldson to a second-tier position like the SEC, show the relative ascendancy of the access capitalists in the Bush administration and in the Republican Party generally. That may be why the markets regard the recent appointments as one step forward, two steps back...>>