SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : The Palestinian Hoax -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: JHP who wrote (3268)1/6/2003 12:26:44 PM
From: Haim R. Branisteanu  Respond to of 3467
 
The attackers, only 500 feet away from each other, set off their bombs 30 seconds apart. The first attacker stood in front of a bus stop, the second next to a currency exchange kiosk in a pedestrian mall, both sites teeming with Sunday evening shoppers. The blasts blew out windows, burned awnings and scattered limbs and torsos across two wide swaths.

A spokesman for Al Aksa Martyrs Brigades, a Palestinian militant organization, said the group took responsibility.

The death toll kept climbing into the night here, making the tandem bombing the worst attack since a suicide bomber killed 29 people at the Park Hotel in Netanya during the Passover holiday last March. That assault sent Israeli forces wheeling into the West Bank in a fierce counterattack.

By Sunday evening, Israeli reprisals had begun. As Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's cabinet met in emergency session, Israeli gunships entered the skies over Gaza and began rocketing Palestinian positions there.

In Tel Aviv, Israeli rescue teams rushing to the site of the bombings encountered a scene of horrific carnage. The injured, clutching wounds, staggered from the scene in search of help, marking their escapes with long trails of blood. One man, calling for help, lifted himself from the ground and ran 50 yards down Neveh Shaanan Street before finally falling down dead.

All about the scene hung the grim evidence of the attackers' work — nails and ball bearings and hunks of metal, evidently planted in the bombs to intensify their effects.

Rescue workers said the two bombs appeared to be unusually large. The evidence, they said, came in the number of body parts they found scattered over so wide a distance and the fact that so many people were killed even though they were in an open area.

In the hours after the attack, survivors milled about, some looking dazed, some making the short walk between the scene of one bombing and the other. One was Motti Dayan, 51, who recalled sitting in a coffee shop on Hagadud Haivri street when the first bomb went off.

"All of a sudden I was shoved back into the coffee shop, the beer spilled on the floor and I tripped over a table," Mr. Dayan said, as rescue workers scurried about. "The blast was so powerful I couldn't sit up. I could hear people scream but I couldn't understand them, because right then there was a second explosion that shook up the place.

"It is strange," Mr. Dayan said. "You lose your sense of time but you understand this is an attack, and so you take your legs and run."

The attacks were the first suicide bombings in Israel since Nov. 21, when a Palestinian bomber killed 11 people aboard a bus in Jerusalem. Together, they appeared to shatter any hope that recent Egyptian-sponsored talks aimed at persuading the main Palestinian factions to abstain from such attacks would have anything but a momentary effect.

The neighborhood is dominated by foreign workers, many of them Filipinos, Romanians and West African laborers who eke out a meager living cleaning houses and offices.

Many of the laborers are believed to be here illegally, and there was concern tonight that some of the wounded might refrain from going to local hospitals for fear that they would be deported. To counter that, Israeli radio stations read statements in English and other languages assuring foreign workers they would not face legal action if they sought medical treatment.

It was the third time that this neighborhood has been hit by suicide bombers since the start of the Palestinian uprising 27 months ago.

The Aksa Martyrs Brigades spokesman said the two bombers were 19- and 20-year-old men from Nablus. The spokesman said the attack was to avenge the destruction of Palestinian homes by Israeli soldiers and for "the massacres of Sharon," a reference to the prime minister.

Al Aksa Martyrs Brigades has been linked to Yasir Arafat's Fatah faction, although the degree of control that he may exercise over the group is a matter of intense debate. Israeli officials have accused Mr. Arafat of allowing the organization to operate and of doing little to stop it.

nytimes.com



To: JHP who wrote (3268)1/6/2003 8:13:00 PM
From: Haim R. Branisteanu  Respond to of 3467
 
Lovely Europeans - Jan. 7, 2003 Analysis: Terrorism most intense when peace is in the air, by Douglas Davis
By DOUGLAS DAVIS

Advertisement

LONDON The Greek government's expression of concern that Palestinian terrorism retards the cause of Palestinian statehood is somewhat disingeous.

The Greeks do not enjoy an international reputation for diplomatic sagacity, but their voice must be heard in Jerusalem because they currently occupy the rotating presidency of the European Union. And the EU represents Israel's largest single trading partner.

Over the decades, support for the Palestinian cause has become an article of almost religious faith in Europe. And European officials have been unstinting in their expressions of commitment to "Palestinian justice."

Moreover, they have put their collective mouth where their collective money is by plundering the coffers of the EU to pour millions of euros into Palestinian pockets each month.

What can be said with absolute certainty about the EU's approach is that, in diplomatic parlance, its best efforts have been "nugatory." In plain language, it has utterly failed to persuade the Palestinian leadership to halt its campaign of violence (let alone develop transparent and accountable structures of governance).

The question the EU has omitted to ask itself is why, despite decades of public declarations, private pleadings, and cash incentives, it has failed to persuade the Palestinians to clean up their act and stop killing Israelis, especially when, as the Europeans believe, such action is harmful to the Palestinian self-interest.

Unless, heaven forefend, European perceptions of Palestinian self-interest, like those of Israel's Labor Party, have been entirely misplaced all these years. For the harsh reality is that Palestinian terrorism is not, as conventional wisdom has it, a sign of "frustration and rage" at the slow pace of diplomatic progress. The opposite is true: Palestinian terrorism is never more intense than when peace is in the air.

It was, after all, a horrifying spate of bus bombings that persuaded Shimon Peres to halt the transfer of West Bank towns and cities to Palestinian control in 1996 (and ultimately caused his demise at the polls despite the Nobel Peace Prize that crowned his Oslo "achievements").

It was Ehud Barak's offer of 97 percent of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, the removal of the settlements, the return of a large bunch of refugees, and a share in Jerusalem virtually everything, in fact, that the Palestinians had been demanding which catalyzed and accelerated the current violence (and ultimately caused his demise at the polls).

And, perhaps, it is not coincidental that the cycle of mass murder has resumed in the run-up to the January 28 election, a campaign that is surely not designed to enhance the credibility or the prospects of Amram Mitzna and his peace-at-any-cost pledge (he, too, will pay the electoral price).

The political blindness that prevents the Europeans from being willing or able to recognize the self-evident link between diplomatic progress and Palestinian terrorism is quite simply breathtaking.

So the question is why are the Palestinians so ruthlessly determined to miss every opportunity at diplomatic progress, despite the best advice and best efforts of their friends and supporters.
Because, quite simply, the conflict is a vital Palestinian interest.

It is the conflict itself that gives the Palestinians importance and sustains their support. Their continued relevance is measured in direct proportion to their capacity for inflicting violence on Israelis and their potential for generating instability in the region.

The mere prospect of peace would retarding all this at a stroke, for without the conflict, how much international attention could they seriously expect to command.

Not for Yasser Arafat and his cronies the mundane business of nation-building, of organizing drainage for Jenin, garbage collection for Ramallah, street lighting for Kalkilya, and sewage facilities for Gaza. Not when the glittering state occasions beckon in European capitals.

The end-game for the Palestinian leaders is not peace, but rather whatever political, diplomatic, and economic gains they can achieve without having to pay what for them is the ultimate price: declaring an end to the conflict.

It must be clear to the Palestinian leaders it should by now be clear to the Europeans, even to the Greeks that Palestine without conflict would be a much-diminished thing. It would retreat from its place at the center of the international agenda to become just another corrupt, despotic, Third World dump that must wait in line for the world's attention.

No amount of pleading and cajoling is likely to persuade the Palestinian leaders to give up what they already have.

Not unless the Europeans understand that their grandstanding on behalf of the Palestinians is actually feeding the violence; not unless the European understand the game and demonstrate convincingly that they are no longer prepared to play.