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Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (11100)1/6/2003 12:46:00 PM
From: T L Comiskey  Respond to of 89467
 
Jim...PM...t



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (11100)1/6/2003 1:09:35 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 89467
 
"What North Korea shows is that deterrence is working.... The only problem is that we are the ones who are being deterred."

North Korea forcing Bush to back off stated policy

'Pre-emption' turns out to mean U.S. only attacks weaker enemies

Michael Dobbs
Washington Post
Monday, January 6, 2003

sfgate.com

Washington -- Soon after rolling out a new post-Cold War foreign policy doctrine, the Bush administration is scrambling to explain why "pre-emption" may be appropriate for dealing with Iraq, but not such a good idea in defusing the threat from fellow "axis of evil" member North Korea.

A spate of nuclear brinkmanship from North Korea, which is threatening to push ahead with the production of fissile material for a series of nuclear bombs, has created an unexpected opening for Democrats and opponents of a looming war with Iraq.

The critics have seized on the North Korea crisis as an opportunity to attack the administration for apparent inconsistencies in a foreign policy strategy that stresses the need to move beyond the Cold War practices of containment and deterrence.

"What North Korea shows is that deterrence is working," said Joseph Nye, dean of the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University, who served as a senior Pentagon official during the Clinton administration. "The only problem is that we are the ones who are being deterred."

To blunt the criticism, administration officials from President Bush down are subtly distancing themselves from elements of the new doctrine of strategic pre-emption announced last summer. They are insisting the pre- emption doctrine -- that the United States is willing to use force, unilaterally if necessary, to confront potentially hostile states bent on acquiring weapons of mass destruction -- was an option of last resort never intended to apply in all cases.

Last June, in a speech to West Point graduates, Bush declared that containment was "not possible when unbalanced dictators with weapons of mass destruction can deliver those weapons on missiles or secretly provide them to terrorist allies."

Those words would appear to apply to North Korea, whose missile and nuclear programs are much more advanced than those of Iraq, and which has an active program of selling its weapons technology to others.

Over the past two weeks, the administration has been forced back on what looks very much like a policy of containment toward North Korea, which has the ability to respond to a pre-emptive U.S. attack by inflicting massive damage on South Korea and even Japan, two key U.S. allies in Asia.

There is a widespread recognition, inside and outside the government, that it is too risky to launch a pre-emptive military attack on a country that may have one or two nuclear weapons and can deliver a rain of devastating artillery fire on the South Korean capital of Seoul.

On Friday, Bush drew a distinction between North Korea and Iraq at a ceremony for U.S. troops heading for the Persian Gulf. He said his administration was "confronting the threat of outlaw regimes who seek weapons of mass destruction," but "different circumstances require different strategies, from the pressure of diplomacy to the prospect of force."

"What the cases of North Korea and Iraq show is that if the threat is genuinely serious, the pre-emption doctrine is not pursued," said Zbigniew Brzezinski, who was President Carter's national security adviser. "If the threat is not immediate but, as the president said, grave and gathering, then you rely on pre-emption. It is less risky and more satisfying to beat up someone who is less threatening than more threatening."

Put another way, the paradox of pre-emption is that it can be applied only to a country that is too weak to retaliate effectively. Of the three countries Bush placed in the "axis of evil" category in his State of the Union address last year, Iraq is generally viewed as the weakest and most vulnerable. Administration officials are ruling out pre-emption as a tactic for dealing with North Korea or the third "axis of evil" member, Iran.

A senior administration official said that the administration "never said that it was going to go around pre-empting in every circumstance. . . . . When we discussed the policy, we talked about the fact that it would be rare as an option. There are many other options at one's disposal. In the case of North Korea, we have a diplomatic option, which we don't have in other cases."

The official added that one important lesson to be drawn from the confrontation with North Korea is that "the longer a situation like this goes on, the more limited one's options become. The North Korean problem started a long time ago. It is true that our options are more limited now, because of 20 years of policies that have not managed to deal with the Korean problem."

In the administration's view, the difficulties in finding a satisfactory means of dealing with North Korea are an additional argument for preparing to go to war with Iraq.

"The point is not whether you are more or less threatened by a particular power, but whether you acted early enough," said the senior official. "You should not wait until you don't have very good options."

The pre-emption doctrine was articulated in its most authoritative form in Bush's West Point speech and in a new national security strategy released in September.

North Korean leader Kim Jong Il has drawn on the new administration doctrine and repeated expressions of "hatred" for his regime from Bush to accuse the United States of threatening a pre-emptive nuclear strike. U.S. officials insist that his fears lack foundation.

Brzezinski says Kim is not as crazy as he may seem, and his actions are logical for a megalomaniac Third World dictator who feels threatened by the United States.

"He is rationally crazy," said Brzezinski. "The lesson of North Korea for other Third World dictators is to go nuclear as rapidly as possible, and as secretly as possible, and then act crazy so as to deter us."



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (11100)1/6/2003 1:41:51 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
$$$ Out of Control

January 6, 2003
William (Bill) Buckler
Captain of The Privateer

Extracted from the Early January 2003 issue of Bill Buckler's "The Privateer"

$US 1 TRILLION FROM THE TREASURY
$US 1 TRILLION FROM THE FED
$US 500 BILLION FROM THE WORLD

That total is what the Bush Administration wants/requires - for the next 12 months - to have their war in the Middle East, to keep their external empire running, and to keep the US economy "growing.'

The US debt ceiling was raised by $US 450 Billion (from $US 5.5 to 5.95 TRILLION) in August 1997. That lasted until June 30, 2002, when the ceiling was raised by another $US 450 Billion to its present $US 6.4 TRILLION. The first raise lasted 61 months. The second raise, of the same amount, is now estimated (by the Treasury) to last for 8 months. Throw in a Middle East war, and the US Treasury is running on a profile which might see them add $US 1 TRILLION to their debt in ONE year.

On top of all that, the Federal Reserve is hammering fresh, new money into the US monetary system at a mean weekly speed of somewhat above $US 20 Billion. That shows that another $US 1 TRILLION could arrive, courtesy of the Fed, over the next 12 months.

Of course, it is a long running ongoing fact that the deficit on the US Current Account requires inflows of $US 500 Billion or so annually.

Add these figures together and the astounding result is that the US government might need $US 2.5 TRILLION borrowed and printed for the next 12 months, and that's not including ANY federal taxes.

The sum of ALL the above is simply a rampant case of fiscal INSANITY.

It is insane on the simplest kind of sum of the FACTS, which show it to be the case. This is what Americans and the world had better prepare themselves for, because this is the direction the Bush Administration is going in - even before any real WARS start.

OUT OF CONTROL:

The US economy is presently obviously suffering from a huge drag of malinvestments and overinvestments from over a decade of accelerating credit expansion since the fall of the USSR. Now, they have swung further into a program of HUGE deficit spending combined with an external war. They are trying to underpin this "policy" with yet another Fed induced credit expansion which already looks like adding up to $US 1 TRILLION to the presently circulating $US 8.55 TRILLION on an M-3 basis. These are acts of both financial and economic madness.

As this "policy of the insane" extends itself further in time, it runs huge global risks of being the cause of a COLLAPSE of the US Dollar. It is the US Dollar, and its international value which underpins the value of the Treasury debt instruments which most of the rest of the world's Central Banks and Treasuries hold as "reserves" behind their own national monetary systems. This US "policy" is gambling with the core financial systems and banking systems of the whole world. The whole world, in their turn, relies upon the soundness of their own Central Banks' financial situations. This cascade danger is real and global.

Were the US Dollar to begin an uncontrollable descent (Nasdaq style or October '87 Dow style), there would not be the means anywhere with which to address the situation. The hard economic truth is that just as markets can be taken down by false policies, so can currencies. Monetary history shows this well enough as any reasonable student can attest to. When currencies crash, being the underpinnings of the values in the marketplace, they take not only these values with them when they crash but also the entire economy.

Despite all this, based upon these "policies," the men in the Bush Administration want a WAR?!

More follows for subscribers.

January 6, 2003

William (Bill) Buckler
Captain of The Privateer
the-privateer.com

From the editor of 321Gold.com

I suspect that popular opinion holds that the events of 1929-1933 occurred in a vacuum. One day we weren't in a depression, the next day we were. And no one noticed or wrote about what was going on. I really don't believe that's true. I think there probably were a lot of people thinking and writing who fully understood what was happening because they were reflecting on current events as it would affect them and their investments.

The same is true today. There are so many really wonderful minds thinking about what is going on and doing a great job of communicating both the problems and the solutions. At 321Gold, we are proud to offer the likes of Ian Gordon, Steve Saville, Richard Russell, Rick Ackerman, Frank Giustra, Ed Bugos, Clif Droke, and Clive Maund to our readers.

I have been following Bill Buckler for over a year now. We just got permission to post snippets of his work and you will be reading a lot more of what he has to say. He's simply brilliant and you owe it to yourself and the preservation of your wealth to at least try his service.
Copyright © 2001-2003 321gold Inc Miami USA

321gold.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (11100)1/6/2003 1:48:40 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Global: The Lessons of 2002

By Stephen Roach
Morgan Stanley - New York
Jan 06, 2003

Those of us in the forecasting business often get criticized for spending too much time looking in the rear-view mirror. And at, at times, with good reason. After all, there is no guarantee that the past is a prologue to what lies ahead. But I still believe that it pays to take a retrospective look from time to time. Otherwise, mistakes are quickly forgotten, and little is learned as we turn the page on our tattered calendars. In that spirit, I present the five economic lessons of 2002.

Not surprisingly, the perils of deflation are at the top of my list. A year ago, when I first started warning of the "three Ds" -- double dip and deflation -- I was dismissed as something of a crackpot. That was then. While the double-dip never quite came to pass, there were two very close calls over the course of 2002. But the case for deflation has gained new prominence. It is now the operative macro risk shaping stabilization policies in Japan and the United States, and my guess is that the Euro authorities can’t be too far behind. The lesson from all this is that the days of an asymmetrical focus on inflation fighting are now over. Under certain circumstances, low inflation can, indeed, morph into deflation.

A corollary to that lesson is the macroanalytic inference that "output gaps" matter. The output gap is economists’ jargon for the disparity between aggregate supply and demand. In recessions, the gap widens due to a cyclical shortfall in aggregate demand; the resulting overhang of excess supply lowers the market-clearing price level -- a classic disinflationary outcome. That balance typically swings the other way in recovery, as a bounce-back in aggregate demand absorbs the scaled- back capacity of aggregate supply. The problem comes with anemic recoveries at low rates of inflation -- precisely the situation today. Such a sluggish growth outcome would see the inflation rate continuing to move lower, perhaps even breaching the "zero" threshold.

In that context, today’s deflation risks are global in scope. That’s a key by-product of our baseline forecast of the world economy -- a 2.9% estimate for world GDP growth in 2003 following two years of gains averaging just 2.1%. Not only did the 2001-02 outcome fall a cumulative 3.0 percentage points below the global economy’s longer- term 3.6% growth trend, but our 2003 scenario adds another 0.7 percentage point to the global output gap -- perpetuating the deflationary tendencies of this subpar global growth cycle. Moreover, our first cut at 2004 -- a 3.9% increase -- is only 0.3 percentage point above trend, thereby barely making a dent in the outsize imbalance between global supply and demand. Consequently, notwithstanding the recent pop in commodity prices, traditional macro tells us that a persistently wide global output gap makes it difficult to envision the return of pricing leverage at any point in the foreseeable future. The risk of global deflation can hardly be ruled out.

The second lesson is that post-bubble economies remain vulnerable to periodic setbacks for a lot longer than most believe. That’s certainly been the lesson from Japan’s last 13 years and it has also been the case in the United States since the equity bubble popped in March 2000. The reason: Most asset bubbles -- especially the big ones -- ultimately infect the real economy and its balance-sheet underpinnings, leading to a build-up of excesses that must be worked off before economic growth can return to a satisfactory pace. America has made some progress in purging its post-bubble excesses, but these efforts have been confined to the corporate sector, where capital spending has been slashed and balance sheets restructured. The purging of other key post-bubble excesses has yet to begin -- especially those of the American consumer, who remains out on a limb of record indebtedness and subpar saving.

The persistence of post-bubble excesses is the essence of my double- dip fixation. Structural imbalances are the functional equivalent of "economic headwinds" -- forces that restrain the pace of activity from returning to trend on a sustainable basis. Persistently subpar growth doesn’t leave the economy far from its "stall speed," a weakish growth outcome that all but eradicates the cyclical immunities that are needed to fend off the downside pressures of periodic shocks. In the case of the US economy, I would place the stall speed in the 1-2% zone. At the same time, my guesstimate is that the post-bubble US growth rate will hold in the 2% range for at least the next year, somewhat below our official estimate of 2.7%. As was the case over the four quarters of 2002, there will be times when growth is well above this subpar norm (i.e., the first and third quarters). But it is equally likely, in my view, to look for quarters when the growth rate falls below 2% (such as the second and fourth quarters of 2002). Those all too frequent setbacks would find the US economy back in its stall-speed range, leaving it exceedingly vulnerable to any one of a number of shocks. Should such shocks occur -- hardly a trivial consideration given the sharp recent run-up in energy prices -- a recessionary relapse could ensue. The lesson of 2002, in my view, is that the double-dip watch is far from over.

The third lesson is that saving-short economies remain especially vulnerable. America is in a class of its own in that regard. Its net national saving rate plunged to a record low of 2% in 3Q002, literally one-third the subpar 6% average of the 1990s and about one-fifth the 10% norm of the 1960s and 1970s. The net national saving rate is the most important measure of domestic saving: It nets out the funds needed to replace worn-out capital, and it includes the combined saving of individuals, businesses, and government units. It is a basic economic truth that such saving must always equal net investment -- the sustenance of any economy’s longer-term economic growth potential. Lacking in domestic saving, the Unites States has had to turn increasingly to foreign savers to finance its ongoing growth. This has led to an unprecedented buildup of foreign indebtedness -- underscoring the potential for capital flight, which could have ominous consequences for dollar-denominated assets. The flip side of the resulting capital inflows is, of course, America’s record current-account and trade deficits, the external "leakage" that often sparks protectionist actions. The lesson of 2002 is that these external imbalances are deeply rooted in America’s chronic saving conundrum, an imbalance which may only get worse as the Federal government budget now moves deeper into deficit. This mismatch could well haunt us in 2003.

Which takes us to the fourth lesson -- the perils of a lopsided global economy. I have droned on about this one for a long time, but I continue to believe that the world is far too dependent on the United States as the sole engine of economic growth. One number says it all: Since 1995, our estimates suggest that America has accounted for 64% of the cumulative increase in world GDP -- double its share in the global economy. The rest of the world is utterly lacking in autonomous sources of domestic demand. Over the same seven-year period, domestic demand growth in the US has averaged 3.8%; by contrast, gains elsewhere in the so-called advanced world have been nearly 50% slower, having averaged only 2.0%. With growth prospects in Europe and Japan anemic at best, a perpetuation of this dichotomy seems likely. Therein lies a key aspect of the global conundrum: The stage is set for a further widening in the disparities of the current- account deficit nations (mainly the United States) and the surplus areas (Asia and Europe). These disparities are presently at extremes never before experienced in the post-World War II era. To the extent they widen further, a lopsided world can only become more precarious. That underscores the potential for a cross-border realignment of relative asset prices -- especially currencies but also stocks and bonds. Such imbalances are also a breeding ground for intensified trade frictions and geopolitical tensions. Those fears could well come to a head in 2003.

I suspect that the final lesson of 2002 could well be the hot topic of 2003 -- policy traction, or the ability of stimulus measures to work. To their credit, policy makers are now on board with many of the issues noted above. I suspect financial markets will initially take heart in the potential for these actions to work. That has led to my uncharacteristically bullish stance on world equity markets in early 2003 -- the so-called "reflation trade" (see my 16 December essay in Investment Perspectives). But I continue to have strong doubts as to whether those stimulative actions will truly deliver. The persistence of excesses suggests that a "structural purging" could well take precedence over a prompt revitalization of aggregate demand. That’s especially the case if businesses continue to cut costs in a "no-pricing- leverage world," and even more so if the onus of such cost cutting falls on workers/consumers.

To that end, I must confess to being highly suspicious of the sure-thing monetarist answer to deflation that is now in vogue in official policy circles. Sure, there is a lot of liquidity flowing into the system right now, but there are no guarantees that it won’t be absorbed by the imperatives of balance sheet repair. Finally, I would stress yet again that America’s most policy-sensitive sectors -- consumer durables, homebuilding, and capital spending -- have all gone such to excess in recent years that it’s hard to envision the upside from here. Consequently, notwithstanding recent reflationary actions, there are no guarantees that policy makers don’t end up pushing on a string, a classic pitfall of a post-bubble economy. In my view, a US-centric world remains vulnerable to just such a possibility. Investors have long been taught not to bet against the authorities. Those bets, however, need to take account of the perils of a post-bubble era. My fear is that the lack of policy traction in 2002 could well be a hint of what lies ahead in 2003.

I’ve left a lot out in this discourse. But I can’t close without straying from my perch and offering a market-based lesson from 2002 that seems particularly apt as we peer into 2003. The standard line I hear from equity investors these days is that we simply can’t have a fourth down year in a row. After all, we hadn’t seen three consecutive annual declines in some 60 years. Another down year would hearken back to the rout of 1929-33, utterly inconceivable to most. Unfortunately, this is precisely the same logic that was used on the upside of the Roaring Nineties. Beginning with the unlikely outcome of three consecutive double-digit up years, there was doubt all the way up. By the time the fifth year came along, the lessons of history had been completely tossed aside. Now, a similar mind-set lurks on the downside. With all due respect to the consensus, this debate is not about numerology. It’s about picking up the pieces from the greatest bubble in modern history.

morganstanley.com