SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : Formerly About Advanced Micro Devices -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Alighieri who wrote (157560)1/7/2003 9:47:51 PM
From: tejek  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1588874
 
When Bush was campaigning in 2000, he said of other countries, ''If we're an arrogant nation, they'll resent us. If we're a humble nation but strong, they'll welcome us.'' That's worth remembering as the administration first listens closely to South Korea's concerns this week and then decides how best to win back its vital ally's trust.

That's not surprising............he also campaigned for state's rights but when the FLA Sup. Ct vote didn't go his way who was the first to run to the US Supreme Ct.?

He says one thing and does another.....

ted



To: Alighieri who wrote (157560)1/7/2003 10:48:06 PM
From: tejek  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1588874
 
Al, D. Ray and his GOP cronies are so full of it. Read this report which was presented to Congress back in 1994. As early as 1989, it was suspected NK was messing with nukes and confirmed in a 1992 inspection by the IAEA.

Now let me think who was president then.......Clinton? No. GW? No. Oh no, oh no........it was good ole Bush Sr. Do you remember what Bush Sr. did about it? I don't. And that's because he did nada......probably too busy letting Saddam get away.

BTW I dug this up after a 2 minute google search. I am sure I will find more. Be sure to let O Wise One know the good news.

ted

______________________________________________________

fas.org

Congressional Research Service Reports



NORTH KOREA'S NUCLEAR WEAPONS PROGRAM:
U.S. POLICY OPTIONS

CRS Report for Congress, CRS94-470F
June 1, 1994
By Richard P. Cronin, Coordinator
Specialist, Asian Affairs, Foreign Affairs and National Defense Division

NORTH KOREA'S NUCLEAR WEAPONS PROGRAM: U.S. POLICY OPTIONS (1)
INTRODUCTION: PURPOSE AND SCOPE OF THIS REPORT
North Korea's March 1993 announcement of its intent to withdraw from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) elevated a serious proliferation threat into a direct test of wills. How the United States should respond to North Korea's actions has become the subject of a spirited debate in Congress and among foreign policy commentators and analysts. The sides sometimes have been far apart on their assumptions about the threat posed by North Korea's nuclear program and the appropriate U.S. policy response.

Congress has tended to regard the threat posed by North Korea's actions as one of the most important U.S. foreign and security policy concerns, and Members have monitored and often criticized the Clinton Administration's handling of the issue. What some see as judicious Administration adjustments to a very difficult negotiating environment have been interpreted by others as vacillation and wavering. The North Korea issue has figured prominently in a broader critique of the Administration's management of American foreign policy.(2)

The following report presents a systematic analysis of available U.S. policy options within the practical realities that bear on those options. The first major section gives a short background to the crisis and current U.S. policy approaches, including negotiating efforts and outcomes to date. The calculus of North Korea's leaders, including the impact of recent changes in their external environment and an assessment of their goals and strategy, is the focus of the second major section. Next, the report considers constraints imposed on U.S. decisionmaking by practical limits on the use of force, and an aversion to confrontation on the part of key countries, most notably South Korea, Japan and China. The fourth major section considers six alternative policy options, generally on an ascending scale of effort, cost and/or risk. with a short discussion of the rationale, advantages and disadvantages of each. The report concludes with summary observations on the role of Congress in the debate, and a brief outline of available congressional policy levers. An appendix contains a brief discussion of the relevance of the 1994 War Powers Resolution to the current crisis.

This and related issues concerning the stability of the Korean peninsula and the U.S. role have been the subject of recent CRS reports and issue briefs. A selected list includes Korean Crisis, 1994: Military, Geography, Military Balance, Military Options. CRS Report 94-311 S, dated April 11, 1994 [by John M. Collins], North Korea's Nuclear Weapons Program, Issue Brief 91141, updated regularly [by Larry A. Niksch], and U.N. Security Council Consideration of North Korea's Violations of its Nuclear Treaty Obligations. CRS Report 94-299 F, dated April 6, 1994 [by Larry A. Niksch.]

BACKGROUND TO THE CONFRONTATION AND CURRENT U.S. POLICY APPROACHES

POLICY CHALLENGE ARISING OUT OF NORTH KOREA'S DECISION TO WITHDRAW FROM THE NUCLEAR NON-PROLIFERATION TREATY (NPT)
Although North Korea's nuclear program was long viewed with serious concern by U.S. policymakers, the issue acquired greater urgency following Pyongyang's March 1993 announcement of its intent to withdraw from the NPT. The action constituted a rejection of a demand by the Vienna-based International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) that it allow a "special inspection" of two suspected nuclear waste sites at its Yongbyon nuclear facility before March 31, 1993. The sites are thought to contain evidence that in 1989 North Korea removed some of the fuel rods in a small, experimental, five-megawatt (MW) reactor and reprocessed them to extract plutonium. The suspected diversion was inferred from laboratory analysis of materials collected during regular inspections of North Korea's declared nuclear facilities, that began in June 1992.(3)

North Korea not only rejected the demand for special inspections but it barred the IAEA from further routine inspections as well. It also continued to rebuff South Korean demands to implement a December 1991 bilateral denuclearization agreement, which among other things provided for negotiation of a mutual inspection regime. (4)

The sense of crisis increased markedly in mid-May, 1994, when North Korea began to remove the fuel rods in its 5-MW reactor without adequate



To: Alighieri who wrote (157560)1/7/2003 11:06:31 PM
From: tejek  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1588874
 
Al, check it out.......it wasn't poor Bush Sr who was responsible for ignoring NK's nukes program. It started with the Man, himself...........Señor Reagan. The GOP's idol matinee god.

Unbelievable........and O Wise One has been running at the mouth for weeks, blaming Clinton.

Two years and counting...........

ted




------------------------------------------------------------

NK Nuclear Weapons Program

Since the 1950s, the DPRK has been proceeding with a nuclear development program. It seems that North Korea is engaged in one of two things. Either they are building weapons to give them up for a new relationship with the United States. Or the down side and very dangerous side is that they're trying to build-up a nuclear arsenal for deterrence.

Some observers call it "diplomacy by extortion." They say the communist north is building atomic weapons in order to secure economic aid and special trade agreements with its neighbors and the West in exchange for curtailing its nuclear weapons program.

Pyongyang maintains that it needs a deterrent to possible South Korean, Japanese and American military aggression against North Korea. But this argument has lost its credibility. The north has always argued that while they're interested in economic reform, they need to leverage the security threat because they're not certain that the intentions of the rest of the world are really benign in terms of negotiating with North Korea. The problem, though, is that since 1994 there is a record of engagement with North Korea by South Korean, Japan, the United States, Europe and Australia. It would be very difficult to survey all of these countries that have engaged North Korea and argue that they have not credibly communicated that their intentions are benign. So this argument that the north continues to put forward, while it still may be credible to them, is becoming less credible to the rest of the world.

The nuclear program can be traced back to about 1962, when the DPRK government committed itself to what it called "all-fortressization," which was the beginning of the hyper militarized North Korea of today. In the mid-1960s, it established a large-scale atomic energy research complex in Yongbyon and trained specialists from students who had studied in the Soviet Union. Under the cooperation agreement concluded between the USSR and the DPRK, a nuclear research center was constructed near the small town of Yongbyon. In 1965 a Soviet IRT-2M research reactor was assembled for this center. From 1965 through 1973 fuel (fuel elements) enriched to 10 percent was supplied to the DPRK for this reactor.

North Korea maintains uranium mines with four million tons of exploitable high-quality uranium.

In the 1970s, it focused study on the nuclear fuel cycle including refining, conversion and fabrication. In 1974, Korean specialists independently modernized Soviet IRT-2M research reactor in the same way that other reactors operating in the USSR and other countries had been modernized, bringing its capacity up to 8 megawatts and switching to fuel enriched to 80 percent. Subsequently, the degree of fuel enrichment was reduced. In the same period the DPRK began to build a 5 MWe research reactor, what is called the "second reactor." In 1977 the DPRK concluded an agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency [IAEA], allowing the latter to inspect a research reactor which was built with the assistance of the USSR.

The North Korean nuclear weapons program dates back to the 1980s. In the 1980s, focusing on practical uses of nuclear energy and the completion of a nuclear weapon development system, North Korea began to operate facilities for uranium fabrication and conversion. It began construction of a 200 MWe nuclear reactor and nuclear reprocessing facilities in Taechon and Yongbyon, respectively, and conducted high-explosive detonation tests. In 1985 US officials announced for the first time that they had intelligence data proving that a secret nuclear reactor was being built 90 km north of Pyongyang near the small town of Yongbyon. The installation at Yongbyon had been known for eight years from official IAEA reports. In 1985, under international pressure, Pyongyang acceded to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). However, the DPRK refused to sign a safeguards agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), an obligation it had as a party to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.

In September 1989 the magazine JANE'S DEFENCE WEEKLY stated that North Korea "could manufacture nuclear devices in five years' time, and the means to deliver them soon afterward." In July 1990 THE WASHINGTON POST reported that new satellite photographs showed the presence in Yongbyon of a structure which could possibly be used to separate plutonium from nuclear fuel.

The Joint Declaration on denuclearization was initialed on December 31, 1991. It forbade both sides to test, manufacture, produce, receive, possess, store, deploy, or use nuclear weapons and forbade the possession of nuclear reprocessing and uranium enrichment facilities. A procedure for inter-Korean inspection was to be organized and a North-South Joint Nuclear Control Commission (JNCC) was mandated with verification of the denuclearization of the peninsula.

On January 30, 1992, the DPRK also signed a nuclear safeguards agreement with the IAEA, as it had pledged to do in 1985 when acceding to the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. This safeguards agreement allowed IAEA inspections to begin in June 1992. In March 1992, the JNCC was established in accordance with the joint declaration, but subsequent meetings failed to reach agreement on the main issue of establishing a bilateral inspection regime.

As the 1990s progressed, concern over the North's nuclear program became a major issue in North-South relations and between North Korea and the US. The lack of progress on implementation of the joint nuclear declaration's provision for an inter-Korean nuclear inspection regime led to reinstatement of the US-South Korea Team Spirit military exercise for 1993. The situation worsened rapidly when North Korea, in January 1993, refused IAEA access to two suspected nuclear waste sites and then announced in March 1993 its intent to withdraw from the NPT. During the next 2 years, the US held direct talks with the DPRK that resulted in a series of agreements on nuclear matters.

It is estimated that North Korea has completed the nuclear fuel cycle from acquisition to reprocessing of nuclear fuel and is on the threshold of a nuclear weapons capability. Nevertheless, it is unclear whether it has actually produced or possesses nuclear weapons due to difficulties in developing detonation devices and delivery vehicles, which require high-tech and precision technologies. According to various sources of information, North Korea seems to have reprocessed enough plutonium to produce one or two nuclear weapons. In addition, sufficient plutonium for another six nuclear weapons remains in fuel removed from the reactor at Yongbon but stored under international supervision, under the provisions of the 1994 Agreed Framework. By taking possession of the 8,000 spent fuel rods in late December 2002, the North could conceivably begin producing plutonium-based bombs in as little as six months -- by late June 2003.

In an announcement that shocked the world, Washington said on 16 October 2002 that North Korea had admitted to secretly developing uranium enrichment technology for nuclear weapons, in violation of the 1994 agreement with the US.

Publicly available evidence does not permit an assessment of the extent of this uranium program, and there is a considerable range of uncertainty. It is generally agreed that North Korea has attempted to acquire technology related to uranium enrichment from sources in several countries, including China, Russia and Pakistan. It is also generally agreed that, compared to the plutonium program, the precise status of the uranium program would be difficult to assess using sources such as satellite imagery. In contrast to the large and distinctive plutonium production reactors, a uranium enrichment program could be dispersed and hidden underground. There are no credible public reports suggesting that North Korea has in fact produced nuclear weapons using uranium.

By the end of 2002 North Korea said it was lifting the freeze on facilities frozen under the agreed framework between the United States and North Korea, including a nuclear reactor at Yongbyon. Furthermore, North Korea asked the International Atomic Energy Agency to remove its cameras from the Yongbyon facility. North Korea defied world opinion on 21 December 2002 by removing United Nations seals and cameras at a nuclear power plant suspected of making weapons-grade plutonium. North Korea tampered with surveillance devices the UN nuclear watchdog installed at the Yongbyong complex. The agency said the North cut most of the seals on equipment and tampered with cameras at the five-megawatt reactors. North Korea says the agency did not respond to Pyongyang's requests that it remove the equipment. The International Atomic Energy Agency said it was trying to keep communications open with Pyongyang. IAEA chief Mohamed ElBaradei said it was deplorable North Korea had ignored requests for talks.

On or about 24 December 2002 North Korea moved fresh fuel to the 5MWe reactor. North Korea reportedly estimates that the 5-megawatt reactor could be up and running in one to two months, while the IAEA reportedly believed it could take longer. As of 26 December 2002 the IAEA reportedly estimated that North Korea will have the five-megawatt reactor operational by the end of February 2003. A senior South Korean official concurred with that estimate. "We believe it will take one or two months to restart the reactor," said the official, Chun Young Woo, director general for international institutions at the Foreign Ministry. The IAEA said North Korea could start removing about 8,000 spent fuel rods stored in a special pond at the Yongbyon plant. North Korea's purpose might be to move the spent fuel rods to sites around the country where they could be weaponized, in order to convince the US that there could be no pre-emptive strike. The plutonium reprocessing plant at Yongbyon could be ready to begin producing fissile material for bombs within a few months, according to the director general of the IAEA. By taking possession of the 8,000 spent fuel rods in late December 2002, the North could conceivably begin producing plutonium-based bombs in as little as six months -- by late June 2003. US Senator Joe Biden said he believed North Korea's restarting of the Yongbyon nuclear reactor poses a greater threat than Iraq. He said within months Pyongyang could have enough material for five more nuclear weapons. The incoming chairman of the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Republican Senator Richard Lugar, said Washington must actively engage its allies in the region.

Western assessments of futher steps that the DPRK might take included asking the IAEA inspectors to leave the country, starting up the plutonium reprocessing line, formally withdrawing from the Nonproliferation Treaty, declaring themselves a nuclear power [with a `Korean bomb' intended to protect the whole of the Korean people by keeping the Americans from starting a war], resumption of long-range missile testing, and conducting an actualy nuclear test.

globalsecurity.org



To: Alighieri who wrote (157560)1/8/2003 12:10:04 AM
From: i-node  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 1588874
 
Backlash over bluster shows need to engage South Korea

This article reflects a total misunderstanding of the current White House and the person occupying it. George Bush, for good or for bad, for whatever you happen to think of his politics, DOES NOT go off half-cocked, as this article would seem to imply.

Once again, I refer you to what can only be called the authoritative treatise on the subject, "Bush at War", by Bob Woodward. Also, Frum's new book from what I've seen (haven't read it) would confirm Woodward's assessment. The administration is totally calculating and absolutely decisive.

I just think liberals conclude that the policy is sloppy because they don't like it. The reality is that the man is in control, operates with precision, and if a mistake is made, it is with the counsel of the most brilliant minds in the business.

I urge you to familiarize yourself with the facts and leave this dime store editorial crap behind. Editorials are just that -- and basically, these peoples' opinions are no better or worse than yours or mine.