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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: tekboy who wrote (66473)1/16/2003 11:56:13 PM
From: Nadine Carroll  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
um, what "connections" are you talking about? are you referring to the Mylroie thesis (which is that the whole thing was an Iraqi operation), or something else?

Just the various rumors that Iraqi intelligence provided assistance to Al Qaida and Ansar al Islam. Jeff Goldberg has mentioned them from time to time.



To: tekboy who wrote (66473)1/17/2003 12:19:26 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
Culture Vulture: Bushism and the evil axis

By Claude Salhani
From the Life & Mind Desk
Published 1/16/2003 9:36 AM

upi.com

WASHINGTON, Jan. 16 (UPI) -- Right, let's see if we can get this straight. It might be a bit complicated, so stay with me. Politics are always complicated, especially when dealing with international despots and the "axis of evil."

Question: Iraq and North Korea are both in the "axis of Evil." Right?

Answer: Yes America, they are bad, bad, as President Bush (the first) liked to say. (Or at least as comic Dana Carvey liked to impersonate the 41st president as saying.)

And that's also what President George W. Bush told the nation when he first came out with that catchphrase in his State of the Union address to the joint House of Congress last January. Alright, the phrase was not entirely his, part of it was coined by David Frum, one of the president's speechwriters, but presidential speechwriters never get the credit they are due.

So, anyway, back to the “axis of evil” for a moment. My question is why the great disparity in the administration's dealing with North Korea, Iran and Iraq? Same gang of malevolent evildoers, yet a very different approach. Why?

We seem to have forgotten about Iran, for the moment at least. There has been no mention of the ayatollahs recently as they appear to have dropped off the evil axis directory and from the lexicon of presidential spokesmen.

On the other hand, the nation is gearing up to launch an all-out war on Iraq as tens of thousands of combat-ready troops take up their position around Iraq, readying to oust the mustachioed meanie from Baghdad. And, adopting a completely different approach, Bush's people are now prepared to parley with North Korea.

Confused yet?

Oh, but rest assured, America, we are not "negotiating" with North Korea. Remember, we don't negotiate with the bad guys. The president and his administration are only "willing to talk" with North Korea. Not negotiate.

Is this splitting hairs, or what?

It depends on what the meaning of is, is. Oops, sorry, wrong administration.

Well, in case you were not confused, I certainly am. So I looked up the definition of the world "talk" in the Webster's New World dictionary, and it defines talk as such: "To put ideas into, or exchange ideas by, spoken words. To express something in words."

The United States is therefore willing to express in words to Kim Sung Il, the leader of communist North Korea, that the American president would consider offering his nation agriculture and energy aid, if he agrees to dismantle his country's nuclear weapons programs.

This is not open to negotiation, folks!

Bush and his team will say to the North Koreans that in exchange for the agro and oil assistance they will receive from Uncle Sam, they have to renege on their nuclear program. The Bush team is formal about this. No negotiations. You do this for us, and in return, we will scratch your back.

Negotiation? Hardly. We are simply "talking."

Kind of like the "no apology offered to China, when one of their military planes got shot down by the U.S. Navy during the spy plane incident in March, 2001. The media kept referring to the spy plane incident," but the Pentagon insisted they were not "spying."

"Spying," said one of the Department of Defense's top brass at the time, "means secretive, underhanded and sneaky methods." The crew of the EP-3 was not engaged in espionage, they were simply gathering intelligence. OK.

Four weeks into the crisis, Secretary of State Colin Powell "expressed regret" over the accident, not "incident."

"We regret that the Chinese plane did not get down safe, and we regret the loss of life of that Chinese pilot," Powell said. Later, Bush said the same thing: "I regret that a Chinese pilot is missing and I regret that one of their airplanes is lost."

Powell's and Bush's regrets were not apologies. The U.S. government said it was sorry, but in no way did it apologize. Just as they are not negotiating with the North Koreans, only talking. Ah, the magic of diplomacy.

Copyright © 2001-2003 United Press International



To: tekboy who wrote (66473)1/17/2003 2:47:08 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
Friendship with Bush is risky for Blair at home

By Tim Luckhurst
The Boston Globe
1/16/2003

It has always been a peculiar affair. Britain's Labor prime minister and America's Republican president were not expected to get along.

Tony Blair was Bill Clinton's best friend. Through Northern Ireland, Kosovo, even Monica, they were there for each other. The match seemed natural, almost heaven-sent. They both studied at Oxford, and both married intellectual lawyers who are possibly even brighter than the guys themselves. Bill played sax, and Tony played guitar. Together they made sweet music for the new centrist consensus.

Is Bill feeling bruised? He might be. Last time he popped over to visit Chelsea amid the dreaming spires, Tony was too busy for a get-together. Britain's prime minister has a new friend, George. That is a big problem, because if the former president understands the still current prime minister's weakness for a powerful chum, Blair's own Labor Party is much less sympathetic.

Just liking President Bush was bad enough for Blair's reputation. Backing him in a war many of his own Labor members of Parliament oppose looks close to foolishness. A poll for Britain's Independent Television News found that while 53 percent of the public said they would back a UN-endorsed attack, 32 percent opposed British involvement under any circumstances, and only 13 percent supported action by the United States and Britain alone.

Blair's support for Bush's Iraq strategy represents a huge gamble. If Britain participates in an attack on Iraq without a clear UN mandate, Blair's premiership may be threatened. That is not an exaggeration. The unswervingly objective BBC believes that ''such a course of action could even see a challenge to the prime minister's leadership.'' Serious newspapers, like the market-leading Sunday Times, have compared the potential crisis to the Suez affair of 1956 when Conservative Prime Minister Anthony Eden was deposed after ignoring his own party's warnings not to launch a war against Egypt.

Blair is walking a tightrope. His secretary of state for international development, Clare Short, has hinted that she will resign if British forces participate in war against Saddam before UN inspectors have found hard evidence that he possesses weapons of mass destruction. Short believes Britain has a duty to stop the United States acting without UN authority.

Short alone might be manageable. She is not alone. A substantial number of Labor MPs and Cabinet members - possibly the majority - are opposed to unilateral action by the United States and Britain. Last week Foreign Secretary Jack Straw raised eyebrows by saying the chance of war had receded to 60/40 against. Everyone from Colin Powell rightward knew that was wishful thinking, not analysis. Blair silenced his colleague.

A more threatening character needs no encouragement to keep his lips sealed. Chancellor of the Exchequer Gordon Brown is saying nothing about Iraq. Brown is the most likely beneficiary of a party rebellion, which, under Britain's parliamentary system, could depose the prime minister without any need to consult the electorate. That is what toppled Margaret Thatcher.

With the aircraft carrier Ark Royal en route to the Gulf at the head of the largest Royal Navy task force assembled since the 1982 Falklands War and British troops already in Kuwait, Blair is reduced to the insistence that the UN inspectors will find evidence, and war will be justified. That formula allows him to denounce his critics' questions about how Britain will respond to a preemptive US assault as hypothetical. His real position is more sophisticated, but it does not make him any more secure.

Close allies of Blair believe he will support a US attack on Iraq whether it is UN-mandated or not. They explain that he will do so because he thinks Bush is right and because he believes that Britain's influence in Washington depends upon its status as the most loyal ally of the United States.

Blair has tried this argument on his own party, insisting that Bush will be more sympathetic to future foreign policy objectives if Britain proves a true friend in the president's hour of need. His problem is that many Labor Party activists and politicians alike revile Republicans in general and Bush in particular. To them, Blair's stance is incomprehensible, a betrayal of everything the Labor Party stands for. Few of them believe that British influence is advanced by Blair's support for Bush. They say the prime minister has delusions about the extent of British power and is too easily flattered by the friendship of the US president.

British participation in a war that seems imminent may lead to regime change in London as well as Baghdad. If that happens, Blair may regret transferring his affections from Bill to George. Clinton still wins standing ovations at Labor Party conferences. When the name Bush is mentioned, Blair's party reacts with naked hostility. The prime minister is old enough to choose his own friends, but he is increasingly reminded that his party, not the British electorate, has the power to determine his future.

As President Bush contemplates attack options, he might consider the sacrifice his British ally is making to support him. No other leader of the British Labor Party would put his own career on the line to support a Republican in the White House.
_________________________________________________

Tim Luckhurst is a former editor of The Scotsman and a former adviser to the Labor Party.

© Copyright 2003 Globe Newspaper Company.

boston.com