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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Steve Dietrich who wrote (351243)1/31/2003 8:11:10 PM
From: JEB  Respond to of 769670
 
You said Reagan cut taxes and deficits exploded. I'm not about to let you get away with your argument,

...and quit playing games! You know your argument was to imply deficits exploded because of the tax cut (read further on in your post and the implication is cemented).

Now, grow up and play nice or get lost! Loser!!! You've lost this argument! Many times over!



To: Steve Dietrich who wrote (351243)1/31/2003 8:27:52 PM
From: JEB  Respond to of 769670
 
A PRIMER ON CLINTONOMICS
William A. Niskanen

The 1994 Economic Report

The first Economic Report of a new administration has often been an important statement, especially following a change in the party of the president. The 1962 and 1982 Reports, for example, were among the best summaries, respectively, of the Keynesian perspective of the Kennedy administration and of the supply-side perspective of the Reagan administration. The 1994 Report is only slightly less important as a statement of both administration policy and economic theory, primarily because much of it represents a reprise of themes developed in the 1962 Report. For Clinton's Council of Economic Advisers (CEA) has endorsed a pervasively activist economic policy: one part Keynesian fine-tuning, one part microeconomic intervention to correct market failures, and one part redistributive--seasoned by a dash of youthful arrogance that smart people in high office can solve most any problem.

The Keynesian Virus

Clinton's message sets the theme for the 1994 Report: "As a result of our efforts, the economy is now on a path of rising output, increasing employment, and falling deficits.'' One might think that the current recovery started on Clinton's watch and that the rest of us were born yesterday. A more objective record would have acknowledged that the current recovery began in the spring of 1991 and that most economic conditions improved more during 1992 than during 1993 (see Table 1). Only employment and long-term interest rates improved more rapidly in 1993 than in 1992, but long rates have since backed up to a higher level than when Clinton took office. Despite the rhetoric of Clinton's continued campaign, he inherited an economy well into a moderate recovery with low inflation.

The Keynesian virus is apparently incurable, but I was surprised to realize that there are still several surviving Keynesians under the age of 50. The macroeconomics of the 1994 Report is thoroughly Keynesian but is not without some complications. Our low long-term growth rate is attributed to low saving and investment, but weak short-term growth is blamed on excess saving. The weak early recovery from the 1990-91 recession, for example, is attributed in part to several conditions that may have shifted income to those with a higher marginal propensity to save. (Where is the black hole into which all this excess saving disappeared?) The explanation of why the spending cuts and tax increases in the 1993 budget agreement will increase economic growth but why additional measures to reduce the deficit would reduce growth is too torturous to describe.

TABLE 1
SUMMARY OF U.S. ECONOMIC CONDITIONS
1992 (% change) 1993 (% change)
Real GDP 3.7 3.1
Productivity 3.4 1.9
Employment 1.3 2.1
Percentage Point Change
Interest Rates
3 months -0.87 -0.17
30 years -0.26 -1.19

The CEA should at least get the facts straight. The following is a selection of statements from the macro-chapter that are just not true:

"... banks show new signs of wanting to make business loans.'' (Total commercial and industrial loans by commercial banks continued to decline through December 1993 to the lowest level in five years.)

"Typically, the saving rate falls as recovery begins....'' (The saving rate increased in the first year of recovery from the recessions of 1949, 1960, 1970, 1980, and 1990.)

"... the 1980's saw a classical Keynesian, demand-driven expansion.'' (A demand-driven recovery is characterized by an increase in both output and inflation. The record peacetime recovery of the 1980s, in contrast, was marked by a substantial decline in inflation.)

"..... contrary to the supply-sider's claims, income tax cuts have generally reduced tax revenues.'' (This is one of the most persistent unfounded charges by the critics of Reaganomics. What supply-sider ever claimed otherwise? Where? When?)

"Healthy gains in productivity .... will be the key to keeping inflation tame.'' (That is backward: inflation, which is primarily a monetary phenomenon, somewhat reduces productivity growth. There is reason for more general concern when a government official now on the Fed attributes inflation to some nonmonetary condition.)
Keynesian economics seems to have evolved into a secular religion in which the facts are squeezed, tortured, and misrepresented to fit the theory. One wonders what happened to the CEA's vaunted fact-checking process.

Microeconomics with a Special Twist

Several other chapters reflect a broader consensus among economists but, in each case, with a special twist. Much of the chapter on developments in the U.S. labor market addresses the increasing wage premium to higher skills. That development is attributed primarily to conditions specific to the United States without mentioning that it is common to most of the major economies. The CEA, for example, dismisses the effect of trade liberalization on the wage distribution but attributes much of the increased variance of U.S. wages to the decline of union membership and the decline in the real minimum wage.

The chapter on microeconomic initiatives is generally sensible and summarizes a thoughtful approach to reform of the Superfund program. This chapter, however, is a bit gushy about the prospect for environmental and technological initiatives and stronger antitrust enforcement, a perspective that reflects more concern about market failures than to the potential for government failures.

The trade chapter includes some surprisingly critical language about the dumping provisions of U.S. trade law and a rather strained rationalization of increased U.S. trade pressure on Japan. The focus of Clinton's trade policy seems to be the opening of foreign markets by any means (hopefully) short of gunboats.

Health Care: An Arrogant Policy of Redistribution

The CEA would have been best advised to avoid a public discussion of health policy, because the chapter on health care reform is as shameless as the Clinton health plan is arrogant. What is the evidence, for example, that "Tens of millions of Americans ..... live in constant fear of bankruptcy should they become ill''? The statement that "nearly 39 million people ....were uninsured throughout 1992'' is quite misleading; this estimate is specific to the number of uninsured at the time of the survey, most of whom were reinsured within six months. Health security is defined as guaranteed comprehensive health insurance, not access to medical care. Charging high-risk people a higher premium is described as a "shortcoming'' of the private insurance market. The increase in health care costs is attributed to demographic and technological developments with little attention to the effects of broader third-party coverage. The chapter does not acknowledge the probable effects of the proposed controls on new drug prices, insurance premiums, and provider fees or the effects of the complex pattern of marginal tax rates on the labor market. Finally, the chapter endorses the fantasy that the Clinton health plan would not only substantially broaden health insurance but would also reduce the growth of health care prices and expenditures, increase real wages, and reduce the federal deficit.

One wonders why an administration needs a group of high-priced economists if their primary role is to parrot the party line.

cato.org



To: Steve Dietrich who wrote (351243)1/31/2003 8:30:19 PM
From: JEB  Respond to of 769670
 
Reporters Push Spin of Anti-Tax Cut Liberals

As they set the table for President Bush’s State of the Union speech, network reporters have been busy as bees asserting that three liberal Democratic arguments against Bush’s tax cut plan aren’t just spin — they’re facts. A Media Research Center study of all 28 tax cut stories on the ABC, CBS and NBC evening newscasts from January 2 (when coverage of Bush’s imminent plan began) through January 15 (after coverage had abated) determined that those liberal points received much more time than conservative counter-arguments — and that journalists themselves often echoed the anti-tax cut talking points:

• Liberals argued Bush’s plan only comforts the rich. Viewers heard this point made by news sources 27 times and from reporters themselves another ten times. “The bigger your wallet, the bigger the benefit,” CBS reporter Byron Pitts insisted on January 6 as he presented the tax cut as liberals wished, in terms of dollars saved, not the percentage tax reduction each family would receive. Emphasizing percentages shows the benefits would be larger for lower income families, but viewers heard just seven sources (all Republicans) challenge the liberal presentation, and no reporter ever did. That computes to a six-to-one liberal skew on this issue, hardly balance.

It’s not as if every expert agreed with Tom Daschle. The Tax Foundation used IRS figures to show how the current tax code punishes the rich — the top 10 percent of Americans (those earning over $92,114) account for 46 percent of all income earned in the U.S., but pay 67.3 percent of income taxes. As Washington Post reporters Dana Milbank and Chris Jenkins noted January 10, “Treasury figures show the share of the tax burden borne by those earning more than $100,000 would rise from 72.4 percent to 73.3 percent” if Bush’s plan was enacted. That’s helping the rich?

Two NBC reporters — Campbell Brown and Lisa Myers — did tell viewers (in general terms) that the rich pay a far higher share of current taxes, but ABC and CBS completely omitted even this basic fact. And no network reporter even hinted that the tax burden would fall even more heavily on the wealthy if Bush’s plan became law.

• Liberals argued that “costly” tax cuts will worsen the deficit. Viewers heard this liberal point made a dozen times — three times from reporters, nine times from sources — with only four responses, all from GOP sources, a three-to-one tilt in favor of the liberal argument. “White House officials [are]...confident that the President will get a lot of what he wants,” ABC’s Terry Moran ominously warned, “but there’s a cost to that kind of success — a ballooning deficit.”

But economist Steve Moore wrote in the February 10 National Review that the media are listening to the wrong experts: “In 1997, when the capital gains tax rate was cut, the crystal-ball gazers predicted a multibillion-dollar ‘cost’ to the Treasury; in fact, the receipts doubled in four years. These are precisely the same economic models that are now telling us the Bush tax cut will bankrupt America.”

• Liberals also argued it’s a lousy stimulus plan. Overall, viewers heard 22 sources and three reporters denigrate the plan’s ability to spur economic growth, vs. 16 comments by sources (mostly Bush himself) and one reporter who saw merit, a nearly three-to-two liberal skew. So who was the lone dissident? CNBC’s Ron Insana, who told NBC’s John Seigenthaler on January 4 that “there are some elements of this package that could, in fact, encourage business leaders to spend more on new plant and equipment [purchases], and that is what has been missing in this economic recovery.”

Overall, the MRC found ABC, CBS and NBC gave three times more airtime to liberal arguments against Bush’s tax cut than the conservative arguments for it. (See box.) Who still thinks the media are tilted to the right? -- Rich Noyes

r.searchhippo.com



To: Steve Dietrich who wrote (351243)1/31/2003 8:34:54 PM
From: JEB  Respond to of 769670
 
Growth From Reagan Tax Cuts

Tax cuts do not create federal deficits; greater government spending does. That is the message tax-cut supporters must hammer home, according to political analysts and economists. Otherwise this truth will be drowned out in the media in a deluge of confusion.

Politicians are expected to repeat the mantra, "Reagan tax cuts were responsible for declining revenues and soaring deficits in the 1980s," but no such thing occurred, according to budget analysts.

Receipts from individual income taxes rose to $446 billion in fiscal 1989 -- President Reagan's last budget -- from $286 billion in fiscal 1981, the year Reagan began to slash personal tax rates -- a 56 percent increase.

Annualized, tax receipts grew faster than that period's 4 percent inflation.

During the same period, federal spending rose from $678 billion to $1.143 trillion -- a 69 percent increase.
From 1981 to 1983, personal income tax receipts rose 1 percent -- while spending surged 19 percent. This was during a bad recession. After the recession, the Reagan tax cuts worked and revenues soared.

From 1984 to 1989, growth in personal tax receipts outstripped growth in spending, 50 percent to 34 percent.

And the deficit fell from 5 percent of gross domestic product to 2.9 percent.

After 1989, the deficit ballooned again as revenues dried up following an increase in tax rates.

From 1989 to 1993, personal tax receipts rose just 14 percent, while spending rose 23 percent
Then there is the evidence of the beneficial economic effects of President Kennedy's tax cuts.

In 1964, the economy grew by 5.8 percent -- followed by 6.4 percent growth the following two years.

The increasing tax revenues following from the surging economy led to a balanced budget by 1969 -- the last time that the government was able to balance its books.
But either sloppy thinking or purposeful confusion perpetuates the myth that tax cuts produce higher federal deficits.

Source: Editorial, "The Supply-Side Deficit Myth," Investor's Business Daily; and Donald Lambro, "Unstrung Tax-Cut Lamenters," Washington Times, August 12, 1996.

ncpa.org



To: Steve Dietrich who wrote (351243)1/31/2003 8:37:38 PM
From: JEB  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769670
 
Accomplishments During the1981-1989 Reagan Administration

1. President Reagan's economic policies stimulated the economy, creating 17 million new jobs. One-fourth of the new jobs were created in 68 consecutive months. Black unemployment was cut in half.

2. We were given incentives to save our money, to work, and to invest because of Reagan's tax reforms.

3. The inflation rate decreased to less than 4.4%. Family income rose 12%.

4. We are now experiencing the longest and strongest peacetime prosperity in the history of the nation.

5. We are experiencing the best peacetime relationship with the Soviet Union in our history. We have also seen the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan.

6. We are now keeping the peace. We drew the line in Grenada, Libya, Afghanistan, and the Persian Gulf, and no countries have fallen to communism during the Reagan era.

7. The U.S. military was refurbished and strengthened.

8. There is now a call for prayer in schools. The Republican adminstration has been lobbying to give this deserved religious freedom.

9. We have seen a return to traditional values. Under Reagan, we have seen a cut in federal funding of abortions; emphasis on a strong family unit; and the development of family-oriented public policy.

10. Educational leaders are now working to sustain moral values and reestablish a clear understanding of right and wrong. The need for values in the curriculum has been trumpeted by the Reagan administration.

11. People from other nations are flocking to America to follow our example. Our principles of civil and economic freedom are now being copied all over the world.

America Just Prior to the Reagan Administration

1. Seven million Americans were unemployed.

2. We were told to live on less, to buckle our belts and to prepare for scarcity.

3. Americans went through two of the worst years of inflation in 60 years. There was a 13% inflation rate. Family income dropped and we had the highest tax bill in our history.

4. We were on the verge of a major recession.

5. With our cold wars during the '70s, we inspired our enemies not to be afraid of us. The Soviets refused to come to the bargaining table. Cultural exchanges between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. came to a halt.

6. Disarmament was considered a noble goal. We did not know where to draw the line in our negotiations with the Soviets. Three countries fell to communism under the Carter administration: Benin (1977), Nicaragua (1979), and Zimbabwe (1980).

7. Guns and tanks that did not even work were being sent to battle.

8. Young Americans were not allowed to pray in school ... even though Congress, every state house, and the Supreme Court begins business with prayer.

9. Progressive values became fashionable. Social policies emulated the values of a small, vocal minority.

10. Education did not sustain moral values. Educational curricula began to promote "alternative lifesyles," such as homosexuality.

11. America wore a "kick me" sign on its back. We lost our edge in technology and in global markets due to exces sive government regulation, and high taxes which devoured capital.

ncpa.org



To: Steve Dietrich who wrote (351243)1/31/2003 8:38:35 PM
From: JEB  Respond to of 769670
 
Message 18518810



To: Steve Dietrich who wrote (351243)1/31/2003 8:39:30 PM
From: JEB  Respond to of 769670
 
Message 18518879



To: Steve Dietrich who wrote (351243)1/31/2003 9:03:13 PM
From: JEB  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769670
 
the Reagan Era Report
(updated Nov. 2000)
By Michael Hodges - email

- a chapter of the Grandfather Economic Reports -

FACTS - - - Government in the 'REAGAN ERA' in PERSPECTIVE

(this page is a part of the Grandfather Economic Report series, a review of economic trends revealing threats facing young families and youth, compared to prior generations - displaying hard data evidence from reliable sources in color graphic form on subjects such as debt, government, family incomes, social security, international trade, regulations, inflation, productivity, voter turnout, trust, healthcare, national security, defense, energy and education. A table of contents is on the home page. The page you are now visiting explores the Reagan Era)

Many talk about the 1980's" (referring to it as the 'Reagan Era'). There appears to be much misinformation regarding certain economic and security indicators during this period, for various reasons - - political and otherwise. This report looks at certain hard data, from reliable sources. What are some facts?

Some call the era a 'revolution'. Was it?

- First a short summary and a conclusion - - followed by the meat -

SUMMARY of Reagan Era

The 'REAGAN ERA' was revolutionary, AND an instructive pointer for the future

The first era in 50 years that the private sector share of the economy was not reduced by government expanding its share of the economic pie faster than economic growth. In fact, government's share was reduced for the first time.
Federal social spending ratios stopped rising, and fell, for the first time in over 3 decades.
The early 1980s was the first interruption in the rapid up-swing of federal regulatory activity spending in 2 decades. In fact, during the 1980s, said spending declined in real terms - - only to resume its fast upward pace in the 1990s.
Taxes were reduced by large amounts, and the economy expanded together with a new climate of competition and regulatory burden reductions.
A decade of declining real median family income was reversed to the upside.
Double digit inflation and interest rates were eliminated.
Debt increased due to lack of congressional spending cuts following tax cut approval, but debt ratios were higher 9 years later.
International terrorism was faced head-on, and hostage-taking of U.S. citizens was eliminated.
The Evil Empire was brought to its knees, without increasing the defense spending ratio, ending a 40-year cold war.
A 2-decade slide in voter turnout and citizen trust in government was reversed, only to collapse to new lows in the 1990s.


SUMMARY OF AUTHOR'S CONCLUSIONS FROM THE DATA EVIDENCE

I believe many readers of the evidence to follow later in this report will reach a similar conclusion, which is summarized by two apparent core principals:

1. "Government is too big." President Reagan and his advisors, in his first term and at the peak of his physical health, purposefully and successfully implemented core policies to rein-in government growth as a share of the U.S. economy, by stopping the run-away growth of social spending ratios and regulatory costs, and to reduce the potential dependence of citizens on big government - - to improve the economic and competitive health of the pure private sector - - aimed toward more economic freedom and living standards for average citizens. And, he would accomplish this turning by the only viable means politically open to him - - by a significant reduction in taxes - - to force down spending, and if not immediately successful, such would force down future spending under the threat of budget deficits.

2. "Evil Empire Tear Down the Wall." President Reagan was determined that no nation or tyrant would 'push around' America - - and that the power, intimidation threats and bluffs of the Soviet Union and terrorists would be brought to a halt. America, in his view, would 'stand tall in the saddle.' His favorite phrase about many things was 'Trust but verify.'

Whether such a core philosophy is agreeable or not to the reader, most must agree that the following evidence points toward the above 2 items - and that, as intended, the Reagan Era legacy has left a clear mark on U.S. & world history for a long time - which will continue for years to come - - such a philosophy can be expressed by 'the least government is best' (as often expressed by Thomas Jefferson, and by Alexander Hamilton in the Federalist Papers), and 'socialism is dead.'

BACKGROUND

The 1980's began against very dangerous back-drops: Government spending was rising faster than growth of the economy, growing from 12% of the economy to 43% by 1980, especially social spending ratios climbing 10 times faster than the economy; the share of the economy left to the free-market private sector had been significantly compressed - - primarily due to social spending ratios exploding upwards 1,400% over 35 years; debt ratios which had fallen for decades stopped falling in the early 1970s and started up; top personal tax rates had previously increased to a stifling 70% level; productivity was down; real median family incomes had stopped growing in 1970, stagnated and were falling as the 1980s approached; rates of inflation and interest were at near historic highs as government airport controllers went on strike; regulatory cost burdens on the productive part of the economy had zoomed; the international value of the U.S. dollar had declined 50% during the prior decade; America's balance of trade was moving steadily negative. America was not feeling good about itself.

Coupling these negative economic issues of great magnitude and trend, our national security was threatened. The 'tooth-less tiger' was being challenged in all corners. Minor terrorists held citizens without challenge, as grammar school-like rescue missions failed. The Soviet Union was in another expansion mode of threat with missile power from submarines, plus its new Latin American strategy from the Falklands to Central America, as some made excuses. Further, Europe was caving and playing 'better Red than Dead' by not standing firm against Russia, not only disallowing our use of bases and over-flights to wipe out terrorists, but calling for removal of our European-based Pershing missiles. Americans were nervous. The world was nervous.

Enter the REAGAN ERA - - 1980-88. Dramatic results were realized as major negative trends were slowed or reversed. This was good news for some, and bad news for others. Good for family incomes and the productive private sector, but bad for pro-big government knows-best people and social planners. This was good news for citizens concerning their security and national pride, but bad news for those who would bury us - - from minor terrorists, to terrorist nations (Iran, Libya) to major nuclear threats with a Latin America flank plan underway from our south (Soviet Union).

SOME SIGNIFICANT ITEMS IN THE 80's

Private Sector Share of Economy - up: Due the slowdown and reduction of government spending ratios, for the first time in 4 decades, the Private Sector's share of the national economy was not reduced - - in fact it climbed - - only to fall back after Reagan. See Government Spending Report and the Private Sector Report.
Government Growth ratios - down: From post WW II until Reagan took office, the total government spending (federal + state/local) ratio had moved straight up, more than doubling, consuming more and more of the economy - from a 22% ratio in 1947 to 44.3% of national income by 1982. The Reagan Era was the first time in 40 years that government did not expand its share of the economy - - in fact, the combined government spending share of the economy was decreased by 4 points - - to 40.5% of national income. Since then government growth resumed reaching today's 44% share. See Government Spending Report. ITEM: after Reagan, in the 1990's, there was an attempt to further expand government dominance of the economy an extra 14 points to 58% of the economy, via the failed national health plan - - so, the propensity to expand government faster than the economy was alive and well - - despite the Reagan slowdown. It is quite possible that had there not been a Reagan Era, which clearly interrupted the past fast expansion of government's share of the economy, that 1993 health plan might have been successful. Today, 44% of the economy's national income is dependent on and controlled by federal and state/local government. ( Private Sector Report) What would our founding fore-fathers say about that?
More on spending ratios: The Reagan era was a major hit to government spending psychology. It is interesting that the Reagan era was able to fight and win the cold war while both reducing federal spending ratios and cutting taxes. On the other side of the coin since that time, ratios resumed their upward climb, together with the two largest tax increases in history coupled with the aforementioned health plan attempt which would have increased the federal government's share of the economy to a 58% ratio.
Family Incomes - up: After 2 ½ decades of solid growth, by 1970 real median family incomes peaked at $36,900 (in 1993 dollars), and stagnated for the next decade. In 1981 they were down to $35,900 (1993 dollars). The Reagan Era saw a smart halt to this slide, and family incomes leaped upward to $39,900 by 1988-89- a 11% real increase covering multiple years. Since then, real incomes have fallen again - 1994 was $37,700 (1993 dollars). The Reagan Era was able, with tax cuts, to increase family incomes. Since then, with 2 historic tax increases, family incomes ceased the rise started under Reagan, and fell, instead. See Family Income Report
Social Spending - down: For 3-decades prior to Reagan, social spending as a percent of national income had jumped from 1% of the economy size up to 14% of same. Not only did this ratio finally stop rising in the Reagan Era, but it actually dropped 2 points - - to a 12% ratio. Since then it has jumped up to 15% of the economy - - as it as resumed its old 'love of eating off defense ratio reductions', as if that is a free lunch that can last forever, without security implications. See chart #2 at Federal Spending Report. Had the national health plan of the 1990's succeeded, the social spending ratio would now be about 29% - - instead of its already historic high 15% ratio.
Defense Spending - flat: Prior to Reagan, defense spending as a percent of GDP had been steadily declining since WW II, reaching 7% GDP in 1981. During Reagan, this ratio jumped upward 1 point at mid-term to 8% ratio - - as he took final actions to complete the defeat of the Soviet Union. But that ratio turned south again during the latter part of his term - - ending where it had started - - at 7% ratio. So, despite the temporary defense build-up to finish off the cold war, Reagan was able to 'pay' for that bubble by reducing social spending ratios, as he victoriously won the 4-decade cold war. Chart #2 at Federal Spending Report
Inflation - down, dramatically: Prior to Reagan, inflation rates had been jumping upward for many years, with the CPI annual rate rising from 1% annually to 13%. During the Reagan era the increase was stopped cold, and CPI rates dropped 70% - - down to annual rates of 2-3%. Today, it is at about 3%. So, little measurable progress has been made since Reagan, to regain a more desirable target of 1% CPI. See Inflation Report.
Debt - up - but what about since then: After many years of a falling debt % GDP ratio, said ratio stopped falling in early 1970s - - and oscillated at about 34% GDP. Under Reagan's tax cut (which was not coupled with a sufficient spending cut by Congress), the debt ratio jumped to 54% GDP by the time he left office. Since then, despite two massive tax increases and no wars (hot or cold) to finance, the debt ratio has soared to 71% GDP - - the highest in 4 decades. By 1996, it is clear that nearly 50% of the total $5.3 Trillion outstanding debt was created in the 1990's. In nominal terms, the National Debt at the time Reagan took office was $0.9 Trillion. When he left it was $2.6 Trillion - - a $1.7 Trillion increase in those 8 years. In the following 8 years (1989-1996), the national debt jumped to $5.3 Trillion - - a $2.7 Trillion increase in this 8-year period - - or 60% larger increase in dollar terms, than occurred under Reagan. See the Debt Report.
Debt owed to Foreign interests: Chart #2 in the Federal Debt Report shows that at the end of the Reagan Era foreign interests owned 16% of all treasury debt sold to the public - - this ratio thereafter rocketed upward, reaching 42% foreign ownership by 2000.
Exchange Rates - moderated: Prior to Reagan, the international value of the dollar had been falling dramatically for a decade. Under Reagan, the dollar made a major comeback in the middle part of his term, including a 61% gain in the dollar vs. the German Mark - - only to fall back again, as evidently international markets lost confidence in the ability of America to follow through with additional tax cuts and supporting spending cuts. After Reagan, the dollar continued to slide to lower levels. See Foreign Exchange Report.
Regulation Cost Impacts - down: The early 1980s was the first interruption in the rapid up-swing of federal regulatory activity spending in 2 decades, which had previously increased many, many times faster than general growth of the economy - at double digit real compounded rates of increase per year. In fact, during the 1980s, said spending declined in real terms - - only to resume its fast upward pace in the 1990s. Price & energy control cost impacts dropped from $390 billion in 1979 to $244 billion in 1988 - - a 37% reduction. We know that he was a proponent of reduced government-mandated regulatory cost burdens on the private sector. Such costs are a form of government spending that does not show up in government spending data, as the costs must be absorbed by the private sector, thereby reducing its effective share of the economy. The Regulation Report shows at the end of the Reagan Era regulatory costs per capita were about $2,800 per person in 1988 - - which by 1995 had risen 18% to $3,300 per capita. It was clear to most observers that the Reagan era was aimed at making the U.S. economy more productive, and less restrained by regulatory burdens and unions.
Interest Rates - down, dramatically: The Reagan Era inherited some of the highest interest rates in history. These were reduced by huge amounts.
Taxes - major cuts: The Reagan era discovered that the only viable means of stopping the increasing dependence on government by its control of larger and larger shares of the national income was to shrink the incoming revenue projections - - meaning tax cuts. The Tax Report showed the increasing load on citizens by their feeding government more and more of their earnings. It was clearly understood that social and big government forces held the upper hand to resist spending cuts, by 'screaming' that every nickel cut would send thousands of old people and sick children to the streets. But, many citizens agreed with Nobel laureate Milton Friedman: "We know full well that Congress will spend every penny - - and more - - that is yielded by taxes. A cut in taxes will mean a cut in spending. And, there is no other way to get a cut in spending. That is why the big spenders and the big inflationists of the past have suddenly been converted to fiscal conservatism and to preaching the virtues of fighting inflation. They know that a multi-year tax cut will force multi-year spending reductions. They hope that a one-year cut will quite public agitation and allow them to revert the next year to their high-spending ways."
Large tax cuts were proposed and approved. and considering the economic status of America at that time, Congress had to approve same. In 1981 the top personal rate was cut from 70% to 50%. Again tax rates were cut in 1986 to a 28% top rate. Some hated tax cuts, claiming only the rich benefit - which is but a smoke screen for reality - - "Most studies find the share of tax income generated by the highest-income Americans rose after both the 1981 and 1986 tax cuts." (The Economist, pg. 75, 1/24/98). As the economy began to improve they dug in their heels should further tax cuts be proposed, and accelerated spending late in the Reagan Era, under the cover of pressure of 'illegal activities' concerning such things as Star Wars costs too much, or Iran-Contra'. It must have been recognized that priorities had to be toward the Soviet challenge, and that the pro-big government forces would eventually be defeated by the deficits and debt they would thereafter create. Since the Reagan Era, 'deficit reduction' is the click phrase many love to use, although lip service and smoke and mirrors are at work to cover. The wisdom of Milton Friedman is correct. Tax cuts are necessary, if America really wants to meet the intent of its founding fore-fathers - - small and limited government. After the Reagan Era pro-government forces pushed to reverse the tax cuts - by imposing in 1991 and again in 1993 huge increases which returned the top tax rate to near 40% (39.6%), more than canceling-out the 1986 tax cut. Yet, studies show these huge increases resulted in 'the non-rich (not the rich) paying a larger share of the total.' (above Economist article). Despite tax hikes in the 1990's, such created more debt and higher debt ratios than any peace-time event in our history - - and, without having to pay for a cold war - - and the main impact was more taxes paid by average citizens.
Hostage-taking and a 40-year Cold War - eliminated: Dramatically improved results were realized with regard to the humiliating hostage-taking and the dangerous cold war. Prior to the Reagan Era, America was the laughing stock of the world and at home we were embarrassed, as minor terrorists held citizens as hostages - - and we appeared timid and without bite to our bark. Reagan took firm action, ended those events, and gained the respect of citizens the world over. Prior to the Reagan Era, America had engaged in a 40-year cold war with Russia, that appeared to all to be getting colder and potentially more dangerous over time. Reagan fully engaged, upping military options and the PR of Star Wars, etc. - - supported England in the Falklands and placed the Soviet military in a 'we see every thing you are doing and have it fully covered', stopping cold the Soviet flanking movement from the South. The Reagan era fully engaged the Soviets on every front, "Evil Empire' plus Star Wars (birth of the space shuttle) threats. The Reagan era threatened Europe to not only leave its missiles alone, but it must take more Pershings, or face the Soviets alone and without America. This strategy of bite with bark undermined the creditability of internal Soviet military leaders, which allowed a Gorbechev to emerge with strength - - and, the Cold War was over - - except for the mopping up and demise of the former Soviet Union. The Reagan era leaders had to fight their battles on two fronts at once: the obvious one abroad, and the subversive one at home out to under-mine arrows in his quiver such as Star War games, central American threats, Russia's buildup of Iraq, etc. The Reagan Era caused a complete reversal of escalating terrorist and Soviet threats - - and the world breathed easier.
Voter Turn-Out - first up-tick in 2 ½ decades: Voter participation rates in elections is one measure of the public's confidence in presidential leadership and belief that one's vote does count. 63% of voting-age citizens went to the polls in 1960. For the next 20 years the participation rate dropped each election cycle, reaching 53% in 1980. The 1984 election produced the first up-tick of this ratio in two decades. In contrast, the 1996 election produced a 36-year low in voter participation, as shown by a graphic in the Voter Turn-out Report, despite massive campaign spending and voter registration drives. In the opinion of this author, fixing the political climate to increase voter participation in future elections must be a national priority - or we continue to become less and less a true representative democracy.
Trust in Government - after 2 decades of decline, an explosive increase in citizen trust: The Trust in Government Report shows public trust in the federal government dropped from 61% in the early 1960s all the way down to 27% by 1980 - - a 55% change to the negative. Reagan often said, 'Trust but verify.' By 1986 in Reagan's term as president, trust had improved 74% over 1980's ratio). Ronald Reagan's patriotic anti-communism and his stand-down/defeat of the Soviet Union, his resolution of the hostage situation, lowering of severe interest and inflation rates, as well as the tax-cutting tonic applied to the economy, caused trust in government had zoomed straight up - reaching a 47% ratio by 1996 (a 74% improvement over 1980's trust ratio). However, by 1994 the trust ratio had plummeted to a record low of 25%.
Historical Perspective - for a brief view of how the Reagan Era fit into national economic trends for the past 65 years, see the Summary Report
[author comment: Methodology can play a part. Here spending should not be viewed only in absolute terms. It is here viewed in terms of spending as a percentage of the economy to properly compare with prior and later eras. Family incomes are inflation adjusted, etc. Trying to be very careful with starting and ending dates, the author allowed just a one year lag for government spending data, trying to give some small form of reality to the fact there is a lag in results following implementation of actions. Example: 1981 might be used as a start, instead of 1980. Some might prefer a shorter or longer lag, but the main thrust of this report is looking for major changes of direction compared to pre-Reagan and post-Reagan periods, rather than being hung-up on minor points.]

SOME SIGNIFICANT IMPACTS IN THE 90's

At the end of the 1980s the Soviet Union collapsed, largely due to the policies of the Reagan Era, resulting not only in increased security for U.S. citizens but leading the way to a dramatic end of the cold war, and an end to the need for continuing such huge levels of defense spending associated with same for the prior 4 decades.

In the the 1990s the unified budget deficit simply disappeared and the is now in surplus. Why did this occur? One reason is what columnist James Glassman terms "the Reagan boom."

The Reagan tax cut fueled an era of economic expansion that began around 1983 and has, with a few hiccups, continued through the 1990s. Economic growth also helped to provide much of the venture capital for the technological revolution that itself accelerated the pace of economic growth, creating an upward spiral that has raised the Dow Jones average from 800 in 1982 to over 11,000 today. This explosion of wealth has generated a windfall in tax revenue for the treasury. The second reason for the disappearance of the deficit is huge defense savings since the end of the Cold War. Mr. Reagan's policies contributed to the demise of the regime he called an "evil empire," and as a consequence America is now spending $150 billion less every year than before the Berlin Wall fell. These savings, which are likely to continue indefinitely into the future, would not have been possible without Mr. Reagan's determination to win the Cold War. These facts give rise to a tremendous irony: the very man who was blamed for the deficits of the 1980s, Ronald Reagan, is largely responsible for the budget surpluses of today. Mr. Reagan is fading into the sunset, but his legacy endures. There is little doubt that history will recognize the magnitude of his achievement. (note - portions of above paragraph taken from Dinesh D'Souza, a John M. Olin scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and author of "Ronald Reagan: How an Ordinary Man Became an Extraordinary Leader.")

REDUCING TAXES AND DEBT AMORTIZATION

THE MOST POLITICALLY-POSSIBLE MEANS OF REDUCING SPENDING RATIOS AND DEBT PRINCIPAL

We have seen in the Government Size Report, and in the Federal Government Spending Report, that total government spending has grown 4 times faster than the economy's growth, and the federal government sector alone has grown 10 times faster than the economy. Additionally, we have seen in the Debt Report that federal debt per capita is over $20,000 per man, woman and child - - the highest in history - - going straight up. Nobel laureate Milton Friedman views about the effectiveness of government spending were that it is the high level of total government spending that is the problem. I, concur with his 'its the high level of total (meaning federal + state/local) government spending that is the problem'. Friedman also said, 'I am convinced in all my studies that governments will continue to spend all revenues they receive (plus some more), and am further convinced the only solution to reducing spending is to reduce revenue (taxes).' And, as this Reagan era report shows, when one reduces taxes the spending may not be reduced at first, but such revenue loss definitely produces deficit scare-pressures, which in turn causes political pressures which in turn forces a spending slowdown (restraint) below what would occur without tax cuts. (had Bush & Clinton, in the 1990s, not reversed that course by their record tax increases, the Reagan action could have resulted in earlier spending cuts than occurred - and, less resulting debt).

Tax cuts as an effective means of reducing government, as articulated by Milton Friedman, were put into practice and proven in the Reagan era. And, there can be little doubt that this action put pressure on the deficit side which thereby restrained future spending. Never before in history has there been so much talk about debt and deficits, than after the tax cuts of the Reagan era - - thereby placing a continued restraint on the future growth of government for years to come.

Taking this a step further, if one now calls for a significant reduction of debt principal (not just deficit reduction), then politicians should be required to have debt principal payments in each budget - - not just the interest. If reduced spending is a goal then all approaches to accomplish same are viable - by tax cuts and/or debt principal reduction. Of course whenever one calls for tax cuts, then those for big government spending know tax cuts will force multi-year spending cuts, eventually - - and they use as a turf-protecting defense that all tax cuts are 'for the rich' to de-rail said efforts. If the budget includes debt principal amortization, then again spending cuts must occur to accommodate said payments - - but in this case pro-social spenders cannot claim 'for the rich' as their defense. From this, I conclude that those against reducing debt principal, taxes and spending are in fact in the camp of those for big government.

I am for debt reduction AND tax cuts as a means of realizing lower spending ratios, AND lower debt, as a beneficial bequest to the next generation. The REAGAN ERA was a proving ground for the effectiveness of this objective. What did not happen, was a follow-through by the next two administrations, as they sought to reverse his course via massive tax increases and social agendas. However, the power of the Reagan initiative is still alive and well - - potentially impacting America's economic future in a very positive manner - - as our nation approaches an important Cross-Road in its history.

It is clear economic policies in place 1988-1994 have not supported an acceptable level of economic growth, and government at all levels is thereby exposed to the necessity of spending cuts at the federal and state/local levels. That is, provided it is a desired national policy to improve real median family incomes, including full-time employed male worker incomes, and living standards long-term. Such can more likely occur if the share of the economy devoted to the private sector is increased significantly - -provided it is the intent of the American people to believe in and honor the wisdom of our founding fore-fathers - - Thomas Jefferson said, 'government is best that governs least' and that 'public debt as the greatest of the dangers to be feared.' And, The Federalist Papers of Alexander Hamilton and other thinkers who created our constitution called for small, limited government - - consistent with 4 principal functions (national defense, internal security, trade between states, trade between nations), where debt was to be paid-off. They said nothing about social spending or 'cradle to grave entitlements' as a function of government, and would turn in their graves if they knew by 1997 44% of the economy of America is government-spending dependent, and that our debt was not only the highest in peace-time history but was heavily and increasingly owed to foreign interests.

ACTION: We must reduce both spending and debt ratios, without threatening the number 1 priority of government - its national defense. Ideally, we would like to first cut social spending and debt, and only provide tax cuts after this is done. But, historically politicians have not cut spending, as they are selfishly fearing for their jobs - - and believe they cannot survive without support from big-government-spending special interest groups with the greatest special interest in that $2.6 trillion in federal, state and local government spending.. Therefore, we must cut taxes first in order to place the pressure on the spending and debt sides - - the same formula employed by President Reagan. Opponents will fight tax cuts that cause spending cuts, using 'for the rich' as their defense. Therefore, tax cuts must be perceived as also benefiting families, to counter that false defense. At the same time, we should push into the budget a debt principal amortization plan, including rapid elimination of all debt to the social security and federal employee pension trust funds which was created to paper-over the siphoning-off of all trust surpluses which wer spent on other things (siphon report).

For a plan format of spending and debt targets, see the 'Bite the Bullet Plan'

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