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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: paul_philp who wrote (72058)2/7/2003 4:00:22 AM
From: Jacob Snyder  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 281500
 
<You are paying too much attention to propaganda and not enough attention to facts>

Successful guerrilla methods (and successfull anti-guerrilla methods) all rely heavily on constant ideological education among the Believers, and constant progaganda to the Undecided. It has to be a priority, it has to be planned and systematic. GettingTheMessageOut is more important than anything else, in winning these kinds of wars. Americans tend to think that our WayOfLife is like a virus that instantly and permanently gets into anyone who is exposed to it. So we don't even try; we don't even pay any attention to how others react to us.

<1) Defeated the Taliban and disrupted AQ in Afghanistana.>

You don't measure success in a guerrilla war, by who holds what ground, or the body count. That's conventional-war thinking. You win a guerrila war by separating the guerrillas from their civilian base of support. Short of a Strategic Village program from Morrocco to the Phillipines, we can only do this by convincing the civilians to stop supporting the guerrillas. Which we haven't even begun to do. Afghanistan isn't even the main logistics base for AQ. Where did AQ get their money, their recruits? Where did the training for the WTC attacks happen? In Saudi Arabia (and in Florida), right under our noses. Just like in Vietnam, where the Viet Cong has large training/recruiting operations in the Mekong Delta around Saigon, ground our Generals thought they owned, because our soldiers swept through it regularly.

<year long campaign to convince the UN>

What happens in the UN is effect, not cause. What happens in the alleyways of the slums of Cairo and Karachi, that's what's decisive.

What I'm saying is, this is a struggle of memes, our BigIdea against theirs. Our BigIdea is Western MarketDemocracy, secular and materialist. Their Idea is a violent, totalitarian theocracy. And a heavy armor division of the U.S. Army isn't the best tool for spreading our meme in the Muslim world. It may even be counterproductive, convincing the Arab Street that Bin Laden is right, America is on a Crusade to conquer and colonize the Arab heartland.

I hear our leaders coming up with really stupid ideas, like having our soldiers camp out in Iraq for a decade, doing "nation-building". That's exactly what would be most likely to provoke a nationalist uprising, an Iranian-style Revolution, in Iraq, and then in Saudi Arabia. It scares me, how unprepared and ignorant and proud we are.



To: paul_philp who wrote (72058)2/7/2003 4:08:10 AM
From: KLP  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
UN demands that Baghdad 'change'
Brian Knowlton/IHT International Herald Tribune Friday, February 7, 2003

iht.com

WASHINGTON A top UN weapons inspector exhorted Iraq on Thursday to "show drastic change" in cooperation and disarmament or be prepared for grave problems. But several important countries continued to hold out for further UN inspections, and not war.
.
The call for "drastic change" by Mohamed ElBaradei, head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, came as the focus shifted to a new date for a decision on Iraqi compliance with United Nations demands for disarmament.
.
France urged a deadline of Feb. 14 for Iraq to provide urgently sought answers to arms monitors, and declined to rule out military force.
.
Russia indicated Thursday that its support for continued inspections had not been budged by Secretary of State Colin Powell's powerfully worded presentation to the UN Security Council on Wednesday, and French officials said they agreed. China expressed a similar view. All three countries have veto power in the Security Council. Iraq said that it would send the UN a detailed letter refuting U.S. allegations that Baghdad had actively moved to displace and conceal banned weapons of mass destruction. Other developments increased the sense that war might be just weeks away. The Turkish Parliament voted to allow U.S. renovation of military bases for a possible invasion of northern Iraq; the NATO secretary-general predicted a favorable response to U.S. requests for Iraq-related assistance; and Britain said it would increase its air force in the Gulf to about 100 aircraft, a level similar to that deployed in the 1991 war there. Ari Fleischer, the White House spokesman, said that diplomatic efforts would continue. But Powell, whom many critics of a possible war had looked on to defend that position within the Bush administration, indicated Thursday that he saw dwindling prospects for diplomacy.
.
"I don't like war," he told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. "Nobody likes war. The president doesn't like war, doesn't want a war. But this is a problem we cannot walk away from." Presidents Vladimir Putin of Russia and Jacques Chirac of France agreed during a telephone call Thursday that the Iraqi crisis should be solved without force, Agence France-Presse reported from Moscow.
.
The "positions of Russia and France correspond, and stand in favor of solving the Iraqi problem through political-diplomatic means," the Kremlin said. Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov said that Powell's evidence against Iraq had placed the burden squarely on Baghdad, but he insisted that inspections should continue and added that "one or several" more UN resolutions might be required before the Security Council would authorize force. He again left open a door, nonetheless, for Russia to change its stance. No final decision should be made, he said, until all the freshly offered U.S. intelligence had been thoroughly analyzed. In another sign of shifting mentalities, reporters at a regular White House briefing raised several questions about how a postwar Iraq would be administered. Tellingly, the spokesman, Ari Fleischer, answered rather than deflecting them as premature.
.
If there were a war, he said, humanitarian relief to Iraq would be a U.S. priority.
.
"The plan is for a government to emerge both from inside and outside Iraq," Fleischer said, apparently alluding to exile groups, and administration would be handled by "a number of agencies, including international." All this would happen under an umbrella of U.S. military protection. With events gaining pace, ElBaradei and the chief UN weapons inspector, Hans Blix, met in London with Prime Minister Tony Blair, then headed for a weekend of meetings in Baghdad that they called crucial. Both inspectors said that Iraq must dramatically improve cooperation if it was to avert a war.
.
"The message coming from the Security Council is very clear: that Iraq is not cooperating fully, that they need to show drastic change in terms of cooperation," ElBaradei said. If Baghdad's response is not dramatically positive, "then our report next Friday will not be what we would like it to be." "Time is very critical," ElBaradei said. "We need to show progress" in the report to the Security Council due on Feb. 14. Blair has suggested that this date could be a deadline for deciding on war. Belgium called Thursday for an emergency meeting of the European Union along with 13 of its candidate states and Iraq's neighbors to discuss the Iraq crisis after that date. The crisis has severely divided Europe, with a growing list of countries lining up in support of the United States and Britain, but two of Europe's historical powers, France and Germany, standing in opposition to war.
.
Jack Straw, the British foreign secretary, dismissed French calls for a bolstering of weapons inspections. What was needed, he said, was not more inspectors, but "more, much, much more cooperation from the Iraqi regime."
.
The United States and Britain have said that Iraq already is in "material breach" of UN resolutions, justifying its forcible disarmament, unless Baghdad becomes much more forthcoming.

< < Back to Start of Article WASHINGTON A top UN weapons inspector exhorted Iraq on Thursday to "show drastic change" in cooperation and disarmament or be prepared for grave problems. But several important countries continued to hold out for further UN inspections, and not war.
.
The call for "drastic change" by Mohamed ElBaradei, head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, came as the focus shifted to a new date for a decision on Iraqi compliance with United Nations demands for disarmament.
.
France urged a deadline of Feb. 14 for Iraq to provide urgently sought answers to arms monitors, and declined to rule out military force.
.
Russia indicated Thursday that its support for continued inspections had not been budged by Secretary of State Colin Powell's powerfully worded presentation to the UN Security Council on Wednesday, and French officials said they agreed. China expressed a similar view. All three countries have veto power in the Security Council. Iraq said that it would send the UN a detailed letter refuting U.S. allegations that Baghdad had actively moved to displace and conceal banned weapons of mass destruction. Other developments increased the sense that war might be just weeks away. The Turkish Parliament voted to allow U.S. renovation of military bases for a possible invasion of northern Iraq; the NATO secretary-general predicted a favorable response to U.S. requests for Iraq-related assistance; and Britain said it would increase its air force in the Gulf to about 100 aircraft, a level similar to that deployed in the 1991 war there. Ari Fleischer, the White House spokesman, said that diplomatic efforts would continue. But Powell, whom many critics of a possible war had looked on to defend that position within the Bush administration, indicated Thursday that he saw dwindling prospects for diplomacy.
.
"I don't like war," he told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. "Nobody likes war. The president doesn't like war, doesn't want a war. But this is a problem we cannot walk away from." Presidents Vladimir Putin of Russia and Jacques Chirac of France agreed during a telephone call Thursday that the Iraqi crisis should be solved without force, Agence France-Presse reported from Moscow.
.
The "positions of Russia and France correspond, and stand in favor of solving the Iraqi problem through political-diplomatic means," the Kremlin said. Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov said that Powell's evidence against Iraq had placed the burden squarely on Baghdad, but he insisted that inspections should continue and added that "one or several" more UN resolutions might be required before the Security Council would authorize force. He again left open a door, nonetheless, for Russia to change its stance. No final decision should be made, he said, until all the freshly offered U.S. intelligence had been thoroughly analyzed. In another sign of shifting mentalities, reporters at a regular White House briefing raised several questions about how a postwar Iraq would be administered. Tellingly, the spokesman, Ari Fleischer, answered rather than deflecting them as premature.
.
If there were a war, he said, humanitarian relief to Iraq would be a U.S. priority.
.
"The plan is for a government to emerge both from inside and outside Iraq," Fleischer said, apparently alluding to exile groups, and administration would be handled by "a number of agencies, including international." All this would happen under an umbrella of U.S. military protection. With events gaining pace, ElBaradei and the chief UN weapons inspector, Hans Blix, met in London with Prime Minister Tony Blair, then headed for a weekend of meetings in Baghdad that they called crucial. Both inspectors said that Iraq must dramatically improve cooperation if it was to avert a war.
.
"The message coming from the Security Council is very clear: that Iraq is not cooperating fully, that they need to show drastic change in terms of cooperation," ElBaradei said. If Baghdad's response is not dramatically positive, "then our report next Friday will not be what we would like it to be." "Time is very critical," ElBaradei said. "We need to show progress" in the report to the Security Council due on Feb. 14. Blair has suggested that this date could be a deadline for deciding on war. Belgium called Thursday for an emergency meeting of the European Union along with 13 of its candidate states and Iraq's neighbors to discuss the Iraq crisis after that date. The crisis has severely divided Europe, with a growing list of countries lining up in support of the United States and Britain, but two of Europe's historical powers, France and Germany, standing in opposition to war.
.
Jack Straw, the British foreign secretary, dismissed French calls for a bolstering of weapons inspections. What was needed, he said, was not more inspectors, but "more, much, much more cooperation from the Iraqi regime."
.
The United States and Britain have said that Iraq already is in "material breach" of UN resolutions, justifying its forcible disarmament, unless Baghdad becomes much more forthcoming. WASHINGTON A top UN weapons inspector exhorted Iraq on Thursday to "show drastic change" in cooperation and disarmament or be prepared for grave problems. But several important countries continued to hold out for further UN inspections, and not war.
.
The call for "drastic change" by Mohamed ElBaradei, head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, came as the focus shifted to a new date for a decision on Iraqi compliance with United Nations demands for disarmament.
.
France urged a deadline of Feb. 14 for Iraq to provide urgently sought answers to arms monitors, and declined to rule out military force.
.
Russia indicated Thursday that its support for continued inspections had not been budged by Secretary of State Colin Powell's powerfully worded presentation to the UN Security Council on Wednesday, and French officials said they agreed. China expressed a similar view. All three countries have veto power in the Security Council. Iraq said that it would send the UN a detailed letter refuting U.S. allegations that Baghdad had actively moved to displace and conceal banned weapons of mass destruction. Other developments increased the sense that war might be just weeks away. The Turkish Parliament voted to allow U.S. renovation of military bases for a possible invasion of northern Iraq; the NATO secretary-general predicted a favorable response to U.S. requests for Iraq-related assistance; and Britain said it would increase its air force in the Gulf to about 100 aircraft, a level similar to that deployed in the 1991 war there. Ari Fleischer, the White House spokesman, said that diplomatic efforts would continue. But Powell, whom many critics of a possible war had looked on to defend that position within the Bush administration, indicated Thursday that he saw dwindling prospects for diplomacy.
.
"I don't like war," he told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. "Nobody likes war. The president doesn't like war, doesn't want a war. But this is a problem we cannot walk away from." Presidents Vladimir Putin of Russia and Jacques Chirac of France agreed during a telephone call Thursday that the Iraqi crisis should be solved without force, Agence France-Presse reported from Moscow.
.
The "positions of Russia and France correspond, and stand in favor of solving the Iraqi problem through political-diplomatic means," the Kremlin said. Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov said that Powell's evidence against Iraq had placed the burden squarely on Baghdad, but he insisted that inspections should continue and added that "one or several" more UN resolutions might be required before the Security Council would authorize force. He again left open a door, nonetheless, for Russia to change its stance. No final decision should be made, he said, until all the freshly offered U.S. intelligence had been thoroughly analyzed. In another sign of shifting mentalities, reporters at a regular White House briefing raised several questions about how a postwar Iraq would be administered. Tellingly, the spokesman, Ari Fleischer, answered rather than deflecting them as premature.
.
If there were a war, he said, humanitarian relief to Iraq would be a U.S. priority.
.
"The plan is for a government to emerge both from inside and outside Iraq," Fleischer said, apparently alluding to exile groups, and administration would be handled by "a number of agencies, including international." All this would happen under an umbrella of U.S. military protection. With events gaining pace, ElBaradei and the chief UN weapons inspector, Hans Blix, met in London with Prime Minister Tony Blair, then headed for a weekend of meetings in Baghdad that they called crucial. Both inspectors said that Iraq must dramatically improve cooperation if it was to avert a war.
.
"The message coming from the Security Council is very clear: that Iraq is not cooperating fully, that they need to show drastic change in terms of cooperation," ElBaradei said. If Baghdad's response is not dramatically positive, "then our report next Friday will not be what we would like it to be." "Time is very critical," ElBaradei said. "We need to show progress" in the report to the Security Council due on Feb. 14. Blair has suggested that this date could be a deadline for deciding on war. Belgium called Thursday for an emergency meeting of the European Union along with 13 of its candidate states and Iraq's neighbors to discuss the Iraq crisis after that date. The crisis has severely divided Europe, with a growing list of countries lining up in support of the United States and Britain, but two of Europe's historical powers, France and Germany, standing in opposition to war.
.
Jack Straw, the British foreign secretary, dismissed French calls for a bolstering of weapons inspections. What was needed, he said, was not more inspectors, but "more, much, much more cooperation from the Iraqi regime."
.
The United States and Britain have said that Iraq already is in "material breach" of UN resolutions, justifying its forcible disarmament, unless Baghdad becomes much more forthcoming. WASHINGTON A top UN weapons inspector exhorted Iraq on Thursday to "show drastic change" in cooperation and disarmament or be prepared for grave problems. But several important countries continued to hold out for further UN inspections, and not war.
.
The call for "drastic change" by Mohamed ElBaradei, head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, came as the focus shifted to a new date for a decision on Iraqi compliance with United Nations demands for disarmament.
.
France urged a deadline of Feb. 14 for Iraq to provide urgently sought answers to arms monitors, and declined to rule out military force.
.
Russia indicated Thursday that its support for continued inspections had not been budged by Secretary of State Colin Powell's powerfully worded presentation to the UN Security Council on Wednesday, and French officials said they agreed. China expressed a similar view. All three countries have veto power in the Security Council. Iraq said that it would send the UN a detailed letter refuting U.S. allegations that Baghdad had actively moved to displace and conceal banned weapons of mass destruction. Other developments increased the sense that war might be just weeks away. The Turkish Parliament voted to allow U.S. renovation of military bases for a possible invasion of northern Iraq; the NATO secretary-general predicted a favorable response to U.S. requests for Iraq-related assistance; and Britain said it would increase its air force in the Gulf to about 100 aircraft, a level similar to that deployed in the 1991 war there. Ari Fleischer, the White House spokesman, said that diplomatic efforts would continue. But Powell, whom many critics of a possible war had looked on to defend that position within the Bush administration, indicated Thursday that he saw dwindling prospects for diplomacy.
.
"I don't like war," he told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. "Nobody likes war. The president doesn't like war, doesn't want a war. But this is a problem we cannot walk away from." Presidents Vladimir Putin of Russia and Jacques Chirac of France agreed during a telephone call Thursday that the Iraqi crisis should be solved without force, Agence France-Presse reported from Moscow.
.
The "positions of Russia and France correspond, and stand in favor of solving the Iraqi problem through political-diplomatic means," the Kremlin said. Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov said that Powell's evidence against Iraq had placed the burden squarely on Baghdad, but he insisted that inspections should continue and added that "one or several" more UN resolutions might be required before the Security Council would authorize force. He again left open a door, nonetheless, for Russia to change its stance. No final decision should be made, he said, until all the freshly offered U.S. intelligence had been thoroughly analyzed. In another sign of shifting mentalities, reporters at a regular White House briefing raised several questions about how a postwar Iraq would be administered. Tellingly, the spokesman, Ari Fleischer, answered rather than deflecting them as premature.
.
If there were a war, he said, humanitarian relief to Iraq would be a U.S. priority.
.
"The plan is for a government to emerge both from inside and outside Iraq," Fleischer said, apparently alluding to exile groups, and administration would be handled by "a number of agencies, including international." All this would happen under an umbrella of U.S. military protection. With events gaining pace, ElBaradei and the chief UN weapons inspector, Hans Blix, met in London with Prime Minister Tony Blair, then headed for a weekend of meetings in Baghdad that they called crucial. Both inspectors said that Iraq must dramatically improve cooperation if it was to avert a war.
.
"The message coming from the Security Council is very clear: that Iraq is not cooperating fully, that they need to show drastic change in terms of cooperation," ElBaradei said. If Baghdad's response is not dramatically positive, "then our report next Friday will not be what we would like it to be." "Time is very critical," ElBaradei said. "We need to show progress" in the report to the Security Council due on Feb. 14. Blair has suggested that this date could be a deadline for deciding on war. Belgium called Thursday for an emergency meeting of the European Union along with 13 of its candidate states and Iraq's neighbors to discuss the Iraq crisis after that date. The crisis has severely divided Europe, with a growing list of countries lining up in support of the United States and Britain, but two of Europe's historical powers, France and Germany, standing in opposition to war.
.
Jack Straw, the British foreign secretary, dismissed French calls for a bolstering of weapons inspections. What was needed, he said, was not more inspectors, but "more, much, much more cooperation from the Iraqi regime."
.
The United States and Britain have said that Iraq already is in "material breach" of UN resolutions, justifying its forcible disarmament, unless Baghdad becomes much more forthcoming.



To: paul_philp who wrote (72058)2/7/2003 4:34:14 AM
From: Nadine Carroll  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 281500
 
The Arab League is having its mind wonderfully concentrated. From the Jerusalem Post:

To each his own The great Arab League break up, By Amir Taheri

Amr Moussa is a clearly worried man. Drawing deep puffs from his hefty Havana, this last of the Nasserite dinosaurs believes the Arabs are facing "their greatest crisis since the First World War."

Moussa, an Egyptian, should know. He is secretary-general of the Arab League at a time when everyone is talking about its imminent demise.

In a conversation at the recent World Economic Forum in Davos, Moussa said league members had agreed to hold their next summit in Manama, Bahrain, but had not agreed on a date. Clearly, some members wanted the summit to be held before the war against Saddam Hussein, expected anytime after the Haj pilgrimage on February 10. They pressed for a date in the hope of finding a formula to allow the Iraqi dictator to step aside and thus prevent the conflict.

Now, however, even the venue of the projected summit is a matter of dispute. Some Arab leaders do not want to meet a few miles from the headquarters of the United States navy in the Persian Gulf.

Bahrain, a tiny archipelago that recently promoted itself from emirate to kingdom, has made no secret of its firm resolve to be on the side of the US when, and no longer if, there is a move to topple Saddam.

Quarrelling over the date and venue of the next summit, however, isn't the only problem that Arab leaders face these days. There is a growing sentiment that they have reached an historic cul de sac, with no idea of how to pierce through.

THE ARAB predicament over the looming war in Iraq is only the last episode in a story of economic decline, political disorientation and cultural crisis that dates back several decades.

Last year a United Nations study, conducted by Arab scholars, showed that the Arab states were the only ones in the world to have seen their living standards actually decline in the past two decades. Even oil-rich states such as Saudi Arabia and Kuwait are today poorer than in 1983.

At the same time, World Bank estimates show that more than $2 trillion of Arab money has flowed into Asia, Europe and the Americas since the 1970s.

"Associating with the Arabs has brought us nothing but trouble," says Colonel Mu'ammar Gaddafi, the Libyan dictator who recently decided to boycott the Arab League and emphasize his so-called "African identity."

Gaddafi is not the only one to seek an alternative to Arabism. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, former UN secretary-general, is also urging an "African destiny" for his native homeland of Egypt. In a recent article that triggered much debate, he called on Egypt to look south toward black Africa and north toward the Mediterranean rather than east toward the Arabs.

Other Arab statesmen and politicians are looking in other directions.

Yussuf Shirawi, Bahrain's elder statesman, wants the Persian Gulf states to forge special links with the Indian subcontinent to counterbalance both the threat of Iran and "all the troubles caused by being associated with the Arabs."

At the other end of the arc of crisis, Morocco's Foreign Minister Muhammad Benaissa recently shocked the pan-Arabists by urging his nation to look toward the American continent as the key partner in shaping the future.

Algeria's President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, for his part, has began to distance himself from the Ba'athists and pan-Arabists, and is developing a "Mediterranean doctrine" combined with closer military cooperation with the US.

Iraq's opposition leaders men and women likely to form the post-Saddam government in Baghdad have gone further by discussing withdrawal from the Arab League and the forging of links with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).

"The Arabs have caused us little but grief," says Iraqi academic Kenan Makiyah, a member of the Transition Council. "Even now most Arab states prefer Saddam Hussein to the democratic regime that we wish to build."
Disenchantment with pan-Arabia is also felt in Saudi Arabia.

"If someone asks what have the Arabs been doing for two decades, the answer is: They have been blackmailing one another over the issue of Palestine," says a member of Saudi Arabia's appointed "parliament."

CAN THE Arab League be saved? Moussa believes so. But even he realizes that the old rules must be broken. The next summit, when and if it convenes, will have to consider four different plans for reform, coming from Libya, the Sudan, Saudi Arabia and Qatar.

The Qatari plan is focused on administrative reform and ultimately aimed at breaking the Egyptian hold on the league by transferring its headquarters from Cairo to another Arab capital and making the post of secretary-general, always held by an Egyptian, open to candidates from other Arab states.

The Libyan plan seeks to link the Arab League to the newly created African Union, thus rendering it irrelevant in the long run.

The Sudanese plan is essentially aimed at forcing the oil-rich Arab states to share their fortunes with the poor members of the league.
Paradoxically, the most revolutionary among these plans comes from ultra-conservative Saudi Arabia.

This envisages committing member states to sweeping political and economic reforms.
The Saudi leaders seem to be seeking a pan-Arab cover for introducing reforms they know hard-line religious forces in the kingdom would resist. The Saudi plan calls for all Arab states to establish "accountable governments" and develop "participatory politics," which, translated into plain language, means holding elections.

In recent weeks both Saudi Crown Prince Abdallah Ibn Abdel-Aziz and his half-brother, Defense Minister Prince Sultan Ibn Abdel-Aziz have spoken of holding elections for at least part of the membership of the currently appointed parliament.

"The pressure for participatory government is coming from all segments of society and is irresistible," says Prince Turki al-Faisal, the new Saudi Ambassador to London.
"No Arab regime can now resist change. Those that are intelligent would know how best to manage what cannot be avoided."

This talk of reform is echoed in other Arab states, including the still hermetic Syria. The Syrian Ba'ath party is planning to hold a conference supposedly to transform itself into a "social democratic" party.

And President Bashar Assad is reportedly working hard to impose free elections that could break the old guard and give him a genuine constituency of his own for reform.

At least eight other Arab states from Oman to Jordan and including Yemen and Kuwait are now formally committed to the Western model of political pluralism and a market economy.

All this talk of reform and pluralism may, of course, be due to fears that a forcible change of regime in Iraq is a prelude for action against other despotic Arab regimes. The rulers may be simply trying to buy time and confuse the outside world, especially the US.

Many Arabs believe that the despotic regimes, even if they shed their spots, cannot alter their essential nature, and that any reforms will remain largely cosmetic.

One thing is sure, however: The presence of a huge US army in the region has, much like the proverbial hangman's noose, helped concentrate many minds among the Arabs on the causes of what many now refer to as "our great historic failure."

The writer, an Iranian author and journalist, is editor of the Paris-based Politique Internationale.

jpost.com



To: paul_philp who wrote (72058)7/17/2003 3:28:08 AM
From: Bilow  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 281500
 
Hi paul_philp; Re: "This is not a Guerilla war."

You lose.

Yearlong Tours an Option for 'Guerrilla' War in Iraq
NY Times, July 16, 2003
American troops in Iraq are under attack from "a classical guerrilla-type campaign" whose fighters, drawn from Saddam Hussein's most unyielding loyalists and foreign terrorist groups, are increasingly organized, the new commander of allied forces in Iraq said today.

The commander, Gen. John P. Abizaid, pledged that the United States and its allies would not be driven from Iraq by the guerrilla attacks, which today killed one American soldier and wounded at least six others around Baghdad. But he cautioned that pacifying Iraq might require fresh American troops to spend yearlong tours there, double the normal duration of Army forces on peacekeeping duty.
...

nytimes.com

-- Carl